James H. McClintock - "Mormon Settlement in Arizona"

John Lothrop Motley - "History of the United Netherlands, 1592"

Pierre Loti - "Madame Chrysantheme, v4"

Alfred de Vigny - "Cinq Mars, v5"

New Philadelphia Book Publisher Highlights Local Talent
Book and Publishing News from Publishers Newswire(tm)

Looking for Child to be on Cover of a New Book, 'The Model Child'
PHILADELPHIA, Pa. -- The Philadelphia literary world will celebrate the launch of two new players today, April 10th: Kay Square Press, a new publishing company focused on Philadelphia-area artists, their stories, and their art; and Kay Square's first release, 'With the Rich and Mighty: Emlen Etting of Philadelphia' (ISBN: 978-0-9815129-0-7), a critical biography by Kenneth C. Kaleta.

FlatSigned Press Alleges Don Imus Remarks Damage Legacy of President Gerald R. Ford
NEW YORK, N.Y. -- Nathan Yungerberg, an accomplished model scout and professional child photographer is launching a nation-wide casting call to find the cover model for his highly anticipated book release, 'The Model Child: A Parents Guide to the Child Modeling Industry' (ISBN: 978-0-9817018-0-6).

Books: U.S. Presidential Inaugural Addresses

V >> Various >> U.S. Presidential Inaugural Addresses




Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring
those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise
proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute
power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all
nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its
terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts,
eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and
commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of
Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens. . .and to let the oppressed go
free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion,
let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of
power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak
secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be
finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this
Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let
us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the
final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded,
each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its
national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to
service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though
arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a
call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year
out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the
common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North
and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all
mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been
granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I
do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe
that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other
generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this
endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from
that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for
you--ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you,
but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world,
ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask
of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the
final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love,
asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's
work must truly be our own.


***

Lyndon Baines Johnson
Inaugural Address
Wednesday, January 20, 1965

My fellow countrymen, on this occasion, the oath I have taken before you
and before God is not mine alone, but ours together. We are one nation
and one people. Our fate as a nation and our future as a people rest not
upon one citizen, but upon all citizens.

This is the majesty and the meaning of this moment.

For every generation, there is a destiny. For some, history decides. For
this generation, the choice must be our own.

Even now, a rocket moves toward Mars. It reminds us that the world will
not be the same for our children, or even for ourselves in a short span
of years. The next man to stand here will look out on a scene different
from our own, because ours is a time of change--rapid and fantastic
change bearing the secrets of nature, multiplying the nations, placing
in uncertain hands new weapons for mastery and destruction, shaking old
values, and uprooting old ways.

Our destiny in the midst of change will rest on the unchanged character
of our people, and on their faith.

THE AMERICAN COVENANT

They came here--the exile and the stranger, brave but frightened--to
find a place where a man could be his own man. They made a covenant with
this land. Conceived in justice, written in liberty, bound in union, it
was meant one day to inspire the hopes of all mankind; and it binds us
still. If we keep its terms, we shall flourish.

JUSTICE AND CHANGE

First, justice was the promise that all who made the journey would share
in the fruits of the land.

In a land of great wealth, families must not live in hopeless poverty.
In a land rich in harvest, children just must not go hungry. In a land
of healing miracles, neighbors must not suffer and die unattended. In a
great land of learning and scholars, young people must be taught to read
and write.

For the more than 30 years that I have served this Nation, I have
believed that this injustice to our people, this waste of our resources,
was our real enemy. For 30 years or more, with the resources I have had,
I have vigilantly fought against it. I have learned, and I know, that it
will not surrender easily.

But change has given us new weapons. Before this generation of Americans
is finished, this enemy will not only retreat--it will be conquered.

Justice requires us to remember that when any citizen denies his fellow,
saying, "His color is not mine," or "His beliefs are strange and
different," in that moment he betrays America, though his forebears
created this Nation.

LIBERTY AND CHANGE

Liberty was the second article of our covenant. It was self-government.
It was our Bill of Rights. But it was more. America would be a place
where each man could be proud to be himself: stretching his talents,
rejoicing in his work, important in the life of his neighbors and his
nation.

This has become more difficult in a world where change and growth seem
to tower beyond the control and even the judgment of men. We must work
to provide the knowledge and the surroundings which can enlarge the
possibilities of every citizen.

The American covenant called on us to help show the way for the
liberation of man. And that is today our goal. Thus, if as a nation
there is much outside our control, as a people no stranger is outside
our hope.

Change has brought new meaning to that old mission. We can never again
stand aside, prideful in isolation. Terrific dangers and troubles that
we once called "foreign" now constantly live among us. If American lives
must end, and American treasure be spilled, in countries we barely know,
that is the price that change has demanded of conviction and of our
enduring covenant.

Think of our world as it looks from the rocket that is heading toward
Mars. It is like a child's globe, hanging in space, the continents stuck
to its side like colored maps. We are all fellow passengers on a dot of
earth. And each of us, in the span of time, has really only a moment
among our companions.

How incredible it is that in this fragile existence, we should hate and
destroy one another. There are possibilities enough for all who will
abandon mastery over others to pursue mastery over nature. There is
world enough for all to seek their happiness in their own way.

Our Nation's course is abundantly clear. We aspire to nothing that
belongs to others. We seek no dominion over our fellow man, but man's
dominion over tyranny and misery.

But more is required. Men want to be a part of a common enterprise--a
cause greater than themselves. Each of us must find a way to advance the
purpose of the Nation, thus finding new purpose for ourselves. Without
this, we shall become a nation of strangers.

UNION AND CHANGE

The third article was union. To those who were small and few against the
wilderness, the success of liberty demanded the strength of union. Two
centuries of change have made this true again.

No longer need capitalist and worker, farmer and clerk, city and
countryside, struggle to divide our bounty. By working shoulder to
shoulder, together we can increase the bounty of all. We have discovered
that every child who learns, every man who finds work, every sick body
that is made whole--like a candle added to an altar--brightens the hope
of all the faithful.

So let us reject any among us who seek to reopen old wounds and to
rekindle old hatreds. They stand in the way of a seeking nation.

Let us now join reason to faith and action to experience, to transform
our unity of interest into a unity of purpose. For the hour and the day
and the time are here to achieve progress without strife, to achieve
change without hatred--not without difference of opinion, but without
the deep and abiding divisions which scar the union for generations.

THE AMERICAN BELIEF

Under this covenant of justice, liberty, and union we have become a
nation--prosperous, great, and mighty. And we have kept our freedom. But
we have no promise from God that our greatness will endure. We have
been allowed by Him to seek greatness with the sweat of our hands and
the strength of our spirit.

I do not believe that the Great Society is the ordered, changeless, and
sterile battalion of the ants. It is the excitement of becoming--always
becoming, trying, probing, falling, resting, and trying again--but
always trying and always gaining.

In each generation, with toil and tears, we have had to earn our
heritage again.

If we fail now, we shall have forgotten in abundance what we learned in
hardship: that democracy rests on faith, that freedom asks more than it
gives, and that the judgment of God is harshest on those who are most
favored.

If we succeed, it will not be because of what we have, but it will be
because of what we are; not because of what we own, but, rather because
of what we believe.

For we are a nation of believers. Underneath the clamor of building and
the rush of our day's pursuits, we are believers in justice and liberty
and union, and in our own Union. We believe that every man must someday
be free. And we believe in ourselves.

Our enemies have always made the same mistake. In my lifetime--in
depression and in war--they have awaited our defeat. Each time, from the
secret places of the American heart, came forth the faith they could not
see or that they could not even imagine. It brought us victory. And it
will again.

For this is what America is all about. It is the uncrossed desert and
the unclimbed ridge. It is the star that is not reached and the harvest
sleeping in the unplowed ground. Is our world gone? We say "Farewell."
Is a new world coming? We welcome it--and we will bend it to the hopes
of man.

To these trusted public servants and to my family and those close
friends of mine who have followed me down a long, winding road, and to
all the people of this Union and the world, I will repeat today what I
said on that sorrowful day in November 1963: "I will lead and I will do
the best I can."

But you must look within your own hearts to the old promises and to the
old dream. They will lead you best of all.

For myself, I ask only, in the words of an ancient leader: "Give me now
wisdom and knowledge, that I may go out and come in before this people:
for who can judge this thy people, that is so great?"


***

Richard Milhous Nixon
First Inaugural Address
Monday, January 20, 1969

Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President
Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow
citizens of the world community:

I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the
orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity that keeps us free.

Each moment in history is a fleeting time, precious and unique. But some
stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape
decades or centuries.

This can be such a moment.

Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the
hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The
spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own
lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries.

In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons
on earth.

For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, and the
leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of
peace.

Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a
nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will
celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand
years--the beginning of the third millennium.

What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in,
whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to
determine by our actions and our choices.

The greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This
honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out
of the valley of turmoil, and onto that high ground of peace that man
has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.

If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we
mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind.

This is our summons to greatness.

I believe the American people are ready to answer this call.

The second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement.
We have made enormous strides in science and industry and agriculture.
We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at
last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth.

We have given freedom new reach, and we have begun to make its promise
real for black as well as for white.

We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's
youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated,
more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any
generation in our history.

No people has ever been so close to the achievement of a just and
abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it. Because our
strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with
candor and to approach them with hope.

Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano
Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear.
He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank
God, only material things."

Our crisis today is the reverse.

We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit; reaching
with magnificent precision for the moon, but falling into raucous
discord on earth.

We are caught in war, wanting peace. We are torn by division, wanting
unity. We see around us empty lives, wanting fulfillment. We see tasks
that need doing, waiting for hands to do them.

To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit.

To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves.

When we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they
celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness,
decency, love, kindness.

Greatness comes in simple trappings.

The simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount
what divides us, and cement what unites us.

To lower our voices would be a simple thing.

In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words;
from inflated rhetoric that promises more than it can deliver; from
angry rhetoric that fans discontents into hatreds; from bombastic
rhetoric that postures instead of persuading.

We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one
another--until we speak quietly enough so that our words can be heard as
well as our voices.

For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new
ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without
words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious
voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard.

Those who have been left out, we will try to bring in.

Those left behind, we will help to catch up.

For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that
makes progress possible and our lives secure.

As we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone
before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new.

In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent
more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history.

In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in
education; in rebuilding our cities and improving our rural areas; in
protecting our environment and enhancing the quality of life--in all
these and more, we will and must press urgently forward.

We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from
the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home.

The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.

But we are approaching the limits of what government alone can do.

Our greatest need now is to reach beyond government, and to enlist the
legions of the concerned and the committed.

What has to be done, has to be done by government and people together or
it will not be done at all. The lesson of past agony is that without the
people we can do nothing; with the people we can do everything.

To match the magnitude of our tasks, we need the energies of our
people--enlisted not only in grand enterprises, but more importantly in
those small, splendid efforts that make headlines in the neighborhood
newspaper instead of the national journal.

With these, we can build a great cathedral of the spirit--each of us
raising it one stone at a time, as he reaches out to his neighbor,
helping, caring, doing.

I do not offer a life of uninspiring ease. I do not call for a life of
grim sacrifice. I ask you to join in a high adventure--one as rich as
humanity itself, and as exciting as the times we live in.

The essence of freedom is that each of us shares in the shaping of his
own destiny.

Until he has been part of a cause larger than himself, no man is truly
whole.

The way to fulfillment is in the use of our talents; we achieve nobility
in the spirit that inspires that use.

As we measure what can be done, we shall promise only what we know we
can produce, but as we chart our goals we shall be lifted by our dreams.

No man can be fully free while his neighbor is not. To go forward at all
is to go forward together.

This means black and white together, as one nation, not two. The laws
have caught up with our conscience. What remains is to give life to what
is in the law: to ensure at last that as all are born equal in dignity
before God, all are born equal in dignity before man.

As we learn to go forward together at home, let us also seek to go
forward together with all mankind.

Let us take as our goal: where peace is unknown, make it welcome; where
peace is fragile, make it strong; where peace is temporary, make it
permanent.

After a period of confrontation, we are entering an era of negotiation.

Let all nations know that during this administration our lines of
communication will be open.

We seek an open world--open to ideas, open to the exchange of goods and
people--a world in which no people, great or small, will live in angry
isolation.

We cannot expect to make everyone our friend, but we can try to make no
one our enemy.

Those who would be our adversaries, we invite to a peaceful
competition--not in conquering territory or extending dominion, but in
enriching the life of man.

As we explore the reaches of space, let us go to the new worlds
together--not as new worlds to be conquered, but as a new adventure to
be shared.

With those who are willing to join, let us cooperate to reduce the
burden of arms, to strengthen the structure of peace, to lift up the
poor and the hungry.

But to all those who would be tempted by weakness, let us leave no doubt
that we will be as strong as we need to be for as long as we need to be.

Over the past twenty years, since I first came to this Capital as a
freshman Congressman, I have visited most of the nations of the world.

I have come to know the leaders of the world, and the great forces, the
hatreds, the fears that divide the world.

I know that peace does not come through wishing for it--that there is no
substitute for days and even years of patient and prolonged diplomacy.

I also know the people of the world.

I have seen the hunger of a homeless child, the pain of a man wounded in
battle, the grief of a mother who has lost her son. I know these have no
ideology, no race.

I know America. I know the heart of America is good.

I speak from my own heart, and the heart of my country, the deep concern
we have for those who suffer, and those who sorrow.

I have taken an oath today in the presence of God and my countrymen to
uphold and defend the Constitution of the United States. To that oath I
now add this sacred commitment: I shall consecrate my office, my
energies, and all the wisdom I can summon, to the cause of peace among
nations.

Let this message be heard by strong and weak alike:

The peace we seek to win is not victory over any other people, but the
peace that comes "with healing in its wings"; with compassion for those
who have suffered; with understanding for those who have opposed us;
with the opportunity for all the peoples of this earth to choose their
own destiny.

Only a few short weeks ago, we shared the glory of man's first sight of
the world as God sees it, as a single sphere reflecting light in the
darkness.

As the Apollo astronauts flew over the moon's gray surface on Christmas
Eve, they spoke to us of the beauty of earth--and in that voice so clear
across the lunar distance, we heard them invoke God's blessing on its
goodness.

In that moment, their view from the moon moved poet Archibald MacLeish
to write:

"To see the earth as it truly is, small and blue and beautiful in that
eternal silence where it floats, is to see ourselves as riders on the
earth together, brothers on that bright loveliness in the eternal
cold--brothers who know now they are truly brothers."

In that moment of surpassing technological triumph, men turned their
thoughts toward home and humanity--seeing in that far perspective that
man's destiny on earth is not divisible; telling us that however far we
reach into the cosmos, our destiny lies not in the stars but on Earth
itself, in our own hands, in our own hearts.

We have endured a long night of the American spirit. But as our eyes
catch the dimness of the first rays of dawn, let us not curse the
remaining dark. Let us gather the light.

Our destiny offers, not the cup of despair, but the chalice of
opportunity. So let us seize it, not in fear, but in gladness--and,
"riders on the earth together," let us go forward, firm in our faith,
steadfast in our purpose, cautious of the dangers; but sustained by our
confidence in the will of God and the promise of man.


***

Richard Milhous Nixon
Second Inaugural Address
Saturday, January 20, 1973

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, Senator Cook, Mrs.
Eisenhower, and my fellow citizens of this great and good country we
share together:

When we met here four years ago, America was bleak in spirit, depressed
by the prospect of seemingly endless war abroad and of destructive
conflict at home.

As we meet here today, we stand on the threshold of a new era of peace
in the world.

The central question before us is: How shall we use that peace? Let us
resolve that this era we are about to enter will not be what other
postwar periods have so often been: a time of retreat and isolation that
leads to stagnation at home and invites new danger abroad.

Let us resolve that this will be what it can become: a time of great
responsibilities greatly borne, in which we renew the spirit and the
promise of America as we enter our third century as a nation.

This past year saw far-reaching results from our new policies for peace.
By continuing to revitalize our traditional friendships, and by our
missions to Peking and to Moscow, we were able to establish the base for
a new and more durable pattern of relationships among the nations of the
world. Because of America's bold initiatives, 1972 will be long
remembered as the year of the greatest progress since the end of World
War II toward a lasting peace in the world.

The peace we seek in the world is not the flimsy peace which is merely
an interlude between wars, but a peace which can endure for generations
to come.

It is important that we understand both the necessity and the
limitations of America's role in maintaining that peace.

Unless we in America work to preserve the peace, there will be no peace.

Unless we in America work to preserve freedom, there will be no freedom.

But let us clearly understand the new nature of America's role, as a
result of the new policies we have adopted over these past four years.

We shall respect our treaty commitments.