Books: The Koran
U >>
Unknown >> The Koran
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 | 8 |
9 |
10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
14 |
15 |
16 |
17 |
18 |
19 |
20 |
21 |
22 |
23 |
24 |
25 |
26 |
27 |
28 |
29 |
30 |
31 |
32 |
33 |
34 |
35 |
36 |
37 |
38 |
39 |
40 |
41 |
42 |
43 |
44 |
45 |
46 |
47 |
48 |
49 |
50 |
51 |
52 |
53 |
54 |
55 |
56 |
57 |
58 |
59 |
60 |
61 |
62 |
63 |
64 |
65 |
66 |
67 |
68 |
69 |
70 |
71 |
72 |
73 |
74 |
75 |
76 |
77 |
78 |
79 |
80 |
81 |
82 |
83 |
84 |
85 |
86 |
87 |
88 |
89 |
90 |
91 |
92 |
93
1 Machiavelli, Princ. c. 6. 2 See Prideaux's Letter
to the Deists, p. 220, &c.
then established and Paganism abolished by public authority, which has had
great influence in the propagation of the one and destruction of the other
ever since.1 But to return.
Mohammed having provided for the security of his companions as well as his
own, by the league offensive and defensive which he had now concluded with
those of Medina, directed them to repair thither, which they accordingly did;
but himself with Abu Becr and Ali stayed behind, having not yet received the
divine permission, as he pretended, to leave Mecca. The Koreish, fearing the
consequence of this new alliance, began to think it absolutely necessary to
prevent Mohammed's escape to Medina, and having held a council thereon, after
several milder expedients had been rejected, they came to a resolution that he
should be killed; and agreed that a man should be chosen out of every tribe
for the execution of this design, and that each man should have a blow at him
with his sword, that the guilt of his blood might fall equally on all the
tribes, to whose united power the Hashemites were much inferior, and therefore
durst not attempt to revenge their kinsman's death.
This conspiracy was scarce formed when by some means or other it came to
Mohammed knowledge, and he gave out that it was revealed to him the angel
Gabriel, who had now ordered him to retire to Medina. Whereupon, to amuse his
enemies, he directed Ali to lie down in his place and wrap himself up in his
green cloak, which he did, and Mohammed escape miraculously, as they pretend,2
to Abu Becr's house, unperceived by the conspirators, who had already
assembled at the prophet's door. They in the meantime, looking through the
crevice and seeing Ali, whom they took to be Mohammed himself, asleep,
continued watching there till morning, when Ali arose, and they found
themselves deceived.
From Abu Becr's house Mohammed and he went to a cave in Mount Thur, to the
south-east of Mecca, accompanied only by Amer Ebn Foheirah, Abu Becr's
servant, and Abd'allah Ebn Oreikat, an idolater, whom they had hired for a
guide. In this cave they lay hid three days to avoid the search of their
enemies, which they very narrowly escaped, and not without the assistance of
more miracles than one; for some say that the Koreish were struck with
blindness, so that they could not find the cave; others, that after Mohammed
and his companions were got in, two pigeons laid their eggs at the entrance,
and a spider covered the mouth of the cave with her web,3 which made them look
no farther.4 Abu Becr, seeing the prophet in such imminent danger, became
very sorrowful, whereupon Mohammed comforted him with these words, recorded in
the Korân:5 "Be not grieved, for GOD is with us." Their enemies being
retired, they left the cave and set out for Medina, by a by-road, and having
fortunately, or as the Mohammedans tell us, miraculously, escaped some who
were sent to pursue them,
1 See Bayle's Dict. Hist. Art. Mahomet, Rem. O. 2 See the notes
to chap. 8 and 36. 3 It is observable that the Jews have a
like tradition concerning David, when he fled from Saul into the cave; and the
Targum paraphrases these words of the second verse of Psalm lvii., which was
composed on occasion of that deliverance: "I will pray before the most high
GOD that performeth all things for me, in this manner; I will pray before the
most high GOD, who called a spider to weave a web for my sake in the mouth of
the cave." 4 Al Beidâwi in Kor. c. 9. Vide D'Herbel. Bibl.
Orient p. 445. 5 Cap. 9.
arrived safely at that city; whither Ali followed them in three days, after he
had settled some affairs at Mecca.4
The first thing Mohammed did after his arrival at Medina, was to build a
temple for his religious worship, and a house for himself, which he did on a
parcel of ground which had before served to put camels in, or as others tell
us, for a burying-ground, and belonged to Sahal and Soheil the sons of Amru,
who were orphans.5 This action Dr. Prideaux exclaims against, representing it
as a flagrant instance of injustice, for that, says he, he violently
dispossessed these poor orphans, the sons of an inferior artificer (whom the
author he quotes6 calls a carpenter) of this ground, and so founded the first
fabric of his worship with the like wickedness as he did his religion.7 But
to say nothing of the improbability that Mohammed should act in so impolitic a
manner at his first coming, the mohammedan writers set this affair ina quite
different light; one tells us that he treated with the lads about the price of
the ground, but they desired he would accept it asa present;8 however, as
historians of good credit assure us, he actually bought it,9 and the money was
paid by Abu Becr.1 Besides, had Mohammed accepted it as a present, the
orphans were in circumstances sufficient to have afforded it; for they were of
a very good family, of the tribe of Najjâr, one of the most illustrious among
the Arabs, and not the sons of a carpenter, as Dr. Prideaux's author writes,
who took the word Najjâr, which signifies a carpenter, for an appellative,
whereas it is a proper name.2
Mohammed being securely settled at Medina, and able not only to defend
himself against the insults of his enemies, but to attack them, began to send
out small parties to make reprisals on the Koreish; the first party consisting
of no more than nine men, who intercepted and plundered a caravan belonging to
that tribe, and in the action took two prisoners. But what established his
affairs very much, and was the foundation on which he built all his succeeding
greatness, was the gaining of the battle of Bedr, which was fought in the
second year of the Hejra, and is so famous in the Mohammedan history.3 As my
design is not to write the life of Mohammed, but only to describe the manner
in which he carried on his enterprise, I shall not enter into any detail of
his subsequent battles and expeditions, which amounted to a considerable
number. Some reckon no less than twenty-seven expeditions wherein Mohammed
was personally present, in nine of which he gave battle, besides several other
expeditions in which he was not present:4 some of them, however, will be
necessarily taken notice of in explaining several passages of the Korân. His
forces he maintained partly by the contributions of his followers for this
purpose, which he called by the name of Zacât or alms, and the paying of which
he very artfully made one main article of his religion; and partly by ordering
a fifth part of the plunder to be brought into the public treasury for that
purpose, in which manner he likewise pretended to act by the divine direction.
4 Abulfeda. Vit. Moh. p. 50, &c. Ebn Shohnah. 5 Abulfeda, ib.
p. 52, 53. 6 Disputatio Christiani contra Saracen. c. 4.
7 Prideaux's Life of Mahomet, p. 58. 8 Al Bokhâri in
Sonna.
9 Al Jannâbi 1 Ahmed Ebn Yusef. 2 Vide Gagnier, not. in
Abulfed. de Vit. Moh. p. 52, 53.
3 See the notes on the Korân, chap. 3. 4 Vide Abulfed. Vit.
Moh. p. 158.
In a few years by the success of his arms (notwithstanding he sometimes
came off by the worst) he considerably raised his credit and power. In the
sixth year of the Hejra he set out with 1,400 men to visit the temple of
Mecca, not with any intent of committing hostilities, but in a peaceable
manner. However, when he came to al Hodeibiya, which is situate partly within
and partly without the sacred territory, the Koreish sent to let him know that
they would not permit him to enter Mecca, unless he forced his way; whereupon
he called his troops about him, and they all took a solemn oath of fealty or
homage to him, and he resolved to attack the city; but those of Mecca sending
Araw Ebn Masúd, prince of the tribe of Thakîf, as their ambassador to desire
peace, a truce was concluded between them for ten years, by which any person
was allowed to enter into league either with Mohammed or with the Koreish as
he thought fit.
It may not be improper, to show the inconceivable veneration and respect
the Mohammedans by this time had for their prophet, to mention the account
which the above-mentioned ambassador gave the Koreish, at his return, of their
behaviour. He said he had been at the courts both of the Roman emperor and of
the king of Persia, and never saw any prince so highly respected by his
subjects as Mohammed was by his companions; for whenever he made the ablution,
in order to say his prayers, they ran and catched the water that he had used;
and whenever he spit, they immediately licked it up, and gathered up every
hair that fell from him with great superstition.1
In the seventh year of the Hejra, Mohammed began to think of propagating
his religion beyond the bounds of Arabia, and sent messengers to the
neighbouring princes with letters to invite them to Mohammedism. Nor was this
project without some success. Khosrű Parvîz, then king of Persia, received
his letter with great disdain, and tore it in a passion, sending away the
messenger very abruptly; which when Mohammed heard, he said, "GOD shall tear
his kingdom." And soon after a messenger came to Mohammed from Badhân, king
of Yaman, who was a dependant on the Persians,2 to acquaint him that he had
received orders to send him to Khosrű. Mohammed put off his answer till the
next morning, and then told the messenger it had been revealed to him that
night that Khosrű was slain by his son Shirűyeh; adding that he was well
assured his new religion and empire should rise to as great a height as that
of Khosrű; and therefore bid him advise his master to embrace Mohammedism.
The messenger being returned, Badhân in a few days received a letter from
Shirűyeh informing him of his father's death, and ordering him to give the
prophet no further disturbance. Whereupon Badhân and the Persians with him
turned Mohammedans.3
The emperor Heraclius, as the Arabian historians assure us, received
Mohammed's letter with great respect, laying it on his pillow, and dismissed
the bearer honourably. And some pretend that he would have professed this new
faith, had he not been afraid of losing his crown.4
Mohammed wrote to the same effect to the king of Ethiopia, though he had
been converted before, according to the Arab writers; and to
1 Abulfeda Vit. Moh. p. 85. 2 See before, p. 8. 3
Abulfeda, Vit. Moh. p. 92, &c. 4 Al Jannâbi.
Mokawkas, governor of Egypt, who gave the messenger a very favourable
reception, and sent several valuable presents to Mohammed, and among the rest
two girls, one of which, named Mary,1 became a great favourite with him. He
also sent letters of the like purport to several Arab princes, particularly
one to al Hareth Ebn Abi Shamer,2 king of Ghassân, who, returning for answer
that he would go to Mohammed himself, the prophet said, "May his kingdom
perish;" another to Hawdha Ebn Ali, king of Yamâma, who was a Christian, and
having some time before professed Islamism, had lately returned to his former
faith; this prince sent back a very rough answer, upon which Mohammed cursing
him, he died soon after; and a third to al Mondar Ebn Sâwa, king of Bahrein,
who embraced Mohammedism, and all the Arabs of that country followed his
example.3
The eighth year of the Hejra was a very fortunate year to Mohammed. In the
beginning of it Khâled Ebn al Walîd and Amru Ebn al As, both excellent
soldiers, the first of whom afterwards conquered Syria and other countries,
and the latter Egypt, became proselytes of Mohammedism. And soon after the
prophet sent 3,000 men against the Grecian forces, to revenge the death of one
of his ambassadors, who being sent to the governor of Bosra on the same errand
as those who went to the above-mentioned princes, was slain by an Arab of the
tribe of Ghassân at Műta, a town in the territory of Balkâ in Syria, about
three days' journey eastward from Jerusalem, near which town they encountered.
The Grecians being vastly superior in number (for, including the auxiliary
Arabs, they had an army of 100,000 men), the Mohammedans were repulsed in the
first attack, and lost successively three of their general, viz., Zeid Ebn
Hâretha, Mohammed's freedman, Jaafar, the son of Abu Tâleb, and Abdâllah Ebn
Rawâha; but Khâled Ebn al Walîd, succeeding to the command, overthrew the
Greeks with a great slaughter, and brought away abundance of rich spoil;4 on
occasion of which action Mohammed gave him the honourable title of Seif min
soyűf Allah, One of the Swords of GOD.5
In this year also Mohammed took the city of Mecca, the inhabitants whereof
had broken the truce concluded on two years before. For the tribe of Becr,
who were confederates of the Koreish, attacking those of Khozâah, who were
allies of Mohammed, killed several of them, being supported in the action by a
party of the Koreish themselves. The consequence of this violation was soon
apprehended, and Abu Sofiân himself made a journey to Medina on purpose to
heal the breach and renew the truce,6 but in vain, for Mohammed, glad of this
opportunity, refused to see him; whereupon he applied to Abu Becr and Ali, but
they giving him no answer, he was obliged to return to Mecca as he came.
Mohammed immediately gave orders for preparations to be made, that he might
surprise the Meccans while they were unprovided to receive him; in a little
time he began his march thither, and by the
1 It is, however, a different name from that of the Virgin Mary, which the
Orientals always write Maryam, or Miriam-whereas this is written Mâriya.
2 This prince is omitted in Dr. Pocock's list of the kings of Ghassân,
Spec. p. 77.
3 Abulfeda, bui sup. p. 94, &c. 4 Idem ib. p. 99, 100, &c.
5 Al Bokhâri in Sonna.
6 This circumstance is a plain proof that the Koreish had actually broken the
truce, and that it was not a mere pretence of Mohammed's as Dr. Prideaux
insinuates. Life of Mahomet, p. 94.
time he came near the city his forces were increased to 10,000 men. Those of
Mecca being not in a condition to defend themselves against so formidable an
army, surrendered at discretion, and Abu Sofiân saved his life by turning
Mohammedan. About twenty-eight of the idolaters were killed by a party under
the command of Khâled; but this happened contrary to Mohammed's orders, who,
when he entered the town, pardoned all the Koreish on their submission, except
only six men and four women, who were more obnoxious than ordinary (some of
them having apostatized), and were solemnly proscribed by the prophet himself;
but of these no more than three men and one woman were put to death, the rest
obtaining pardon on their embracing Mohammedism, and one of the women making
her escape.1
The remainder of this year Mohammed employed in destroying the idols in and
round about Mecca, sending several of his generals on expeditions for that
purpose, and to invite the Arabs to Islamism: wherein it is no wonder if they
now met with success.
The next year, being the ninth of the Hejra, the Mohammedans call "the year
of embassies," for the Arabs had been hitherto expecting the issue of the war
between Mohammed and the Koreish; but so soon as that tribe-the principal of
the whole nation, and the genuine descendants of Ismael, whose prerogatives
none offered to dispute-had submitted, they were satisfied that it was not in
their power to oppose Mohammed, and therefore began to come in to him in great
numbers, and to send embassies to make their submissions to him, both to
Mecca, while he stayed there, and also to Medina, whither he returned this
year.2 Among the rest, five kings of the tribe of Hamyar professed
Mohammedism, and sent ambassadors to notify the same.3
In the tenth year Ali was sent into Yaman to propagate the Mohammedan faith
there, and as it is said, converted the whole tribe of Hamdân in one day.
Their example was quickly followed by all the inhabitants of that province,
except only those of Najrân, who, being Christians, chose rather to pay
tribute.4
Thus was Mohammedism established and idolatry rooted out, even in
Mohammed's lifetime (for he died the next year), throughout all Arabia, except
only Yamâma, where Moseilama, who set up also for a prophet as Mohammed's
competitor, had a great party, and was not reduced till the Khalîfat of Abu
Becr. And the Arabs being then united in one faith and under one prince,
found themselves in a condition of making those conquests which extended the
Mohammedan faith over so great a part of the world.
______
1 Vide Abulfed. ubi sup. c. 51, 52. 2 Vide Gagnier,
not. ad Abulfed. p. 121.
3 Abulfed. ubi sup. p. 128. 4 Ibid. p. 129.
SECTION III
OF THE KORAN ITSELF, THE PECULIARITIES OF THAT BOOK; THE MANNER OF
ITS BEING WRITTEN AND PUBLISHED, AND THE GENERAL DESIGN OF IT.
THE word Korân, derived from the verb karaa, to read, signifies properly in
Arabic, "the reading," or rather, "that which ought to be read;" by which name
Mohammedans denote not only the entire book or volume of the Korân, but also
any particular chapter or section of it: just as the Jews call either the
whole scripture or any part of it by the name of Karâh, or Mikra,1 words of
the same origin and import; which observation seems to overthrow the opinion
of some learned Arabians, who would have the Korân so named because it is a
collection of the loose chapters or sheets which compose it-the verb karaa
signifying also to gather or collect:2 and may also, by the way, serve as an
answer to those who object3 that the Korân must be a book forged at once, and
could not possibly be revealed by parcels at different times during the course
of several years, as the Mohammedans affirm, because the Korân is often
mentioned and called by that name in the very book itself. It may not be
amiss to observe, that the syllable Al in the word Alkoran is only the Arabic
article, signifying the, and therefore ought to be omitted when the English
article is prefixed.
Beside this peculiar name, the Korân is also honoured with several
appellations, common to other books of scripture: as, al Forkân, from the verb
faraka, to divide or distinguish; not, as the Mohammedan doctor say, because
those books are divided into chapters or sections, or distinguish between good
and evil; but in the same notion that the Jews use the word Perek, or Pirka,
from the same root, to denote a section or portion of scripture.4 It is also
called al Moshaf, the volume, and al Kitab, the book, by way of eminence,
which answers to the Biblia of the Greeks; and al Dhikr, the admonition, which
name is also given to the Pentateuch and Gospel.
The Korân is divided into 114 larger portions of very unequal length, which
we call chapters, but the Arabians Sowar, in the singular Sűra, a word rarely
used on any other occasion, and properly signifying a row, order, or regular
series; as a course of bricks in building, or a rank of soldiers in an army;
and is the same in use and import with the Sűra, or Tora, of the jews, who
also call the fifty-three sections of the Pentateuch Sedârim, a word of the
same signification.5
These chapters are not in the manuscript copies distinguished by their
numerical order, though for the reader's ease they are numbered
1 This name was at first given to the Pentateuch only, Nehem. viii. Vide
Simon. hist. Crit. du Vieux Test. l. r, c. 9. 2 Vide Erpen. not. ad Hist.
Joseph. p. 3. 3 Marracc. de Alcor. p. 41. 4 Vide Gol. in
append. ad Gram. Arab. Erpen. 175. A chapter or subdivision of the Massictoth
of the Mishna is also called Perek. Maimon. prćf. in Seder Zeraim, p. 57.
5 Vide Gol. ubi sup. 177. Each of the six grand divisions of the Mishna is
also called Seder. Maimon. ubi sup. p. 55.
in this edition, but by particular titles, which (except that of the first,
which is the initial chapter, or introduction to the rest, and by the one
Latin translator not numbered among the chapters) are taken sometimes from a
particular matter of, or person mentioned therein; but usually from the first
word of note, exactly in the same manner as the Jews have named their Sedârim:
though the words from which some chapters are denominated be very far distant,
towards the middle, or perhaps the end of the chapter; which seems ridiculous.
But the occasion of this seems to have been, that the verse or passage wherein
such word occurs, was, in point of time, revealed and committed to writing
before the other verses of the same chapter which precede it in order: and the
title being given to the chapter before it was completed, or the passages
reduced to their present order, the verse from whence such title was taken did
not always happen to begin the chapter. Some chapters have two or more
titles, occasioned by the difference of the copies.
Some of the chapters having been revealed at Mecca, and others at Medina,
the noting this difference makes a part of the title; but the reader will
observe that several of the chapters are said to have been revealed partly at
Mecca, and partly at Medina; and as to others, it is yet a dispute among the
commentators to which place of the two they belong.
Every chapter is subdivided into smaller portions, of very unequal length
also, which we customarily call verses; but the Arabic word is Ayât, the same
with the Hebrew Ototh, and signifies signs, or wonders; such as are the
secrets of GOD, his attributes, works, judgments, and ordinances, delivered in
those verses; many of which have their particular titles also, imposed in the
same manner as those of the chapters.
Notwithstanding this subdivision is common and well known, yet I have never
yet seen any manuscript wherein the verses in each chapter is set down after
the title, which we have therefore added in the table of the chapters. And
the Mohammedans seem to have some scruple in making an actual distinction in
their copies, because the chief disagreement between their several editions of
the Korân, consists in the division and number of the verses: and for this
reason I have not taken upon me to make any such division.
Having mentioned the different editions of the Korân, it may not be amiss
here to acquaint the reader, that there are seven principal editions, if I may
so call them, or ancient copies of that book; two of which were published and
used at Medina, a third at Mecca, a fourth at Cufa, a fifth at Basra, a sixth
in Syria, and a seventh called the common or vulgar edition. Of these
editions, the first of Medina makes the whole number of the verses 6,000; the
second and fifth, 6,214; the third, 6,219; the fourth, 6,236; the sixth,
6,226; and the last, 6,225. But they are all said to contain the same number
of words, namely, 77,639;1 and the same number of letters, viz., 323,015:2 for
the Mohammedans have in this also imitated the Jews, that they have
superstitiously numbered the very words and letters of their law; nay, they
have
1 Or as others reckon them, 99, 464. Reland. de Rel. Moh. p. 25.
2 Or according to another computation, 330,113. Ibid. Vide Gol. ubi
sup. p. 178. D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient. p. 87.
taken the pains to compute (how exactly I know not) the number of times each
particular letter of the alphabet is contained in the Korân.1
Besides these unequal divisions of chapter and verse, the Mohammedans have
also divided their Korân into sixty equal portions, which they call Ahzâb, in
the singular Hizb, each subdivided into four equal parts; which is also an
imitation of the Jews, who have an ancient division of their Mishna into sixty
portions, called Massictoth:2 but the Korân is more usually divided into
thirty sections only, named Ajzâ, from the singular Joz, each of twice the
length of the former, and in the like manner subdivided into four parts.
These divisions are for the use of the readers of the Korân in the royal
temples, or in the adjoining chapels where the emperors and great men are
interred. There are thirty of these readers belonging to every chapel, and
each reads his section every day, so that the whole Korân is read over once a
day.3 I have seen several copies divided in this manner, and bound up in as
many volumes; and have thought it proper to mark these divisions in the margin
of this translation by numeral letters.
Next after the title, at the head of every chapter, except only the ninth,
is prefixed the following solemn form, by the Mohammedans called the
Bismillah, "In the name of the most merciful GOD;" which form they constantly
place at the beginning of all their books and writings in general, as a
peculiar mark or distinguishing characteristic of their religion, it being
counted a sort of impiety to omit it. The Jews for the same purpose make use
of the form, "In the name of the LORD," or, "In the name of the great GOD:"
and the eastern Christians, that of "In the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost." But I am apt to believe Mohammed really took
this form, as he did many other things, from the Persian Magi, who used to
begin their books in these words, Benâm Yezdân bakhshaďshgher dâdâr; that is,
"In the name of the most merciful, just GOD."4
This auspicatory form, and also the titles of the chapters, are by the
generality of the doctors and commentators believed to be of divine original,
no less than the text itself; but the more moderate are of opinion they are
only human additions, and not the very word of GOD.
There are twenty-nine chapters of the Korân, which have this peculiarity,
that they begin with certain letters of the alphabet, some with a single one,
others with more. These letters the Mohammedans believe to be the peculiar
marks of the Korân, and to conceal several profound mysteries, the certain
understanding of which, the more intelligent confess, has not been
communicated to any mortal, their prophet only excepted. Notwithstanding
which, some will take the liberty of guessing at their meaning by that species
of Cabbala called by the jews, Notarikon,1 and suppose the letters to stand
for as many words expressing the names and attributes of GOD, his works,
ordinances, and decrees; and therefore these mysterious letters, as well as
the verses themselves, seem in the Korân to be called signs. Others explain
the intent of these letters from their nature or organ, or else from their
value in numbers, according to another species of the Jewish Cabbala
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 |
6 |
7 | 8 |
9 |
10 |
11 |
12 |
13 |
14 |
15 |
16 |
17 |
18 |
19 |
20 |
21 |
22 |
23 |
24 |
25 |
26 |
27 |
28 |
29 |
30 |
31 |
32 |
33 |
34 |
35 |
36 |
37 |
38 |
39 |
40 |
41 |
42 |
43 |
44 |
45 |
46 |
47 |
48 |
49 |
50 |
51 |
52 |
53 |
54 |
55 |
56 |
57 |
58 |
59 |
60 |
61 |
62 |
63 |
64 |
65 |
66 |
67 |
68 |
69 |
70 |
71 |
72 |
73 |
74 |
75 |
76 |
77 |
78 |
79 |
80 |
81 |
82 |
83 |
84 |
85 |
86 |
87 |
88 |
89 |
90 |
91 |
92 |
93