Books: Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, V5
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Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne >> Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, V5
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Luneville having been fixed upon for the Congress, the First Consul sent
his brother Joseph to treat with Count Louis de Cobentzel. On his way
Joseph met M. de Cobentzel, who had passed Luneville, and was coming to
Paris to sound the sentiments of the French Government. Joseph returned
to Paris with him. After some conversation with the First Consul they
set out next day for Luneville, of which place Bonaparte appointed
General Clarke governor. This appeared to satisfy Clarke, who was very
anxious to be something, and had long been importuning Bonaparte for an
appointment.
A day or two after the news of the battle of Hohenlinden M. Maret came to
present for Bonaparte's signature some, decrees made in Council. While
affixing the signatures, and without looking up, the First Consul said to
M. Maret, who was a favourite with him, and who was standing at his right
hand, "Are you rich, Maret?"--"No, General."--" So much the worse: a man
should be independent."--"General, I will never be dependent on any one
but you." The First Consul then raised his eyes to Maret and said,
"Hem! that is not bad!" and when the secretary-general was gone he said
to me, "Maret is not deficient in cleverness: he made me a very good
answer."
On the 9th of February 1801, six weeks after the opening of the Congress
of Luneville, peace was signed between Austria and France. This peace--
the fruit of Marengo and Hohenlinden--restored France to that honourable
position which had been put in jeopardy by the feeble and incapable
government of the pentarchy and the reverses of 1799. This peace, which
in the treaty, according to custom, was called perpetual, lasted four
years.
Joseph Bonaparte, while treating for France at Luneville, was speculating
on the rise of the funds which he thought the peace would produce.
Persons more wise, who were like him in the secret, sold out their stock
at the moment when the certainty of the peace became known. But Joseph
purchased to a great extent, in the hope of selling to advantage on the
signature of peace. However, the news had been discounted, and a fall
took place. Joseph's loss was considerable, and he could not satisfy the
engagements in which his greedy and silly speculations had involved him.
He applied to his brother, who neither wished nor was able to advance him
the necessary sum. Bonaparte was, however, exceedingly sorry to see his
elder brother in this embarrassment. He asked me what was to be done.
I told him I did not know; but I advised him to consult M. de Talleyrand,
from whom he had often received good advice. He did so, and M. de
Talleyrand replied, with that air of coolness which is so peculiar to
him, "What! is that all? Oh! that is nothing. It is easily settled.
You have only to raise the price of the funds."--"But the money?"--
"Oh, the money may be easily obtained. Make some deposits in the Mont-
de-Piste, or the sinking fund. That will give you the necessary money to
raise the funds; and then Joseph may sell out, and recover his losses."
M. de Talleyrand's advice was adopted, and all succeeded as he had
foretold. None but those who have heard M. de Talleyrand converse can
form an accurate idea of his easy manner of expressing himself, his
imperturbable coolness, the fixed unvarying expression of his
countenance, and his vast fund of wit.
--[Talleyrand had a large experience in all sorts of speculation.
When old he gave this counsel to one of his proteges: "Do not
speculate. I have always speculated on assured information, and
that has cost me so many millions;" and he named his losses. We may
believe that in this reckoning he rather forgot the amount of his
gains (Sainte-Beuve, Talleyrand, 93).]--
During the sitting of the Congress the First Consul learnt that the
Government couriers conveyed to favoured individuals in Paris various
things, but especially the delicacies of the table, and he ordered that
this practice should be discontinued. On the very evening on which this
order was issued Cambaceres entered the salon, where I was alone with the
First Consul, who had already been laughing at the mortification which he
knew this regulation would occasion to his colleague: "Well, Cambaceres,
what brings you here at this time of night?"--"I come to solicit an
exception to the order which you have just given to the Director of the
Posts. How do you think a man can make friends unless he keeps a good
table? You know very well how much good dinners assist the business of
Government." The First Consul laughed, called him a gourmand, and,
patting him on the shoulder, said, "Do not distress yourself, my dear
Cambaceres; the couriers shall continue to bring you your 'dindes aux
truffes', your Strasburg 'pates', your Mayence hams, and your other
titbits."
Those who recollect the magnificent dinners given by Cambaceres and
others, which were a general topic of conversation at the time, and who
knew the ingenious calculation which was observed in the invitation of
the guests, must be convinced of the vast influence of a good dinner in
political affairs. As to Cambaceres, he did not believe that a good
government could exist without good dinners; and his glory (for every man
has his own particular glory) was to know that the luxuries of his table
were the subject of eulogy throughout Paris, and even Europe. A banquet
which commanded general suffrage was to him a Marengo or a Friedland.
--[Bourrienne does not exaggerate this excellent quality of the
worthy Cambaceres. When Beugnot was sent to administer the Grand
Duchy of Berg, Cambaceres said to him, "My dear Beugnot, the Emperor
arranges crowns as he chooses; here is the Grand Duke of Berg
(Murat) going to Naples; he is welcome, I have no objection, but
every year the Grand Duke sent me a couple of dozen hams from his
Grand Duchy, and I warn you I do not intend to lose them, so you
must make your preparations . . . . I never once omitted to
acquit myself of the obligation, and if there were any delay, . .
his Highness never failed to cause one of his secretaries to write a
good scolding to my house steward; but when the hams arrived
exactly, his highness never failed to write to my wife himself to
thank her.
This was not all; the hams were to come carriage free. This petty
jobbery occasioned discontent, . . . and it would not have cost
me more to pay the carriage. The Prince would not allow it. There
was an agreement between him and Lavalette (the head of the Posts),
. . . And my Lord appeared to lay as much stress on the
performance of this treaty as on the procuring of the ham, (Beugnot,
tome i. p. 262).
Cambaceres never suffered the cares of Government to distract his
attention from the great object of life. On one occasion, for
example, being detained in consultation with Napoleon beyond the
appointed hour of dinner--it is said that the fate of the Duc
d'Enghien was the topic under discussion--he was observed, when the
hour became very late, to show great symptoms of impatience sod
restlessness. He at last wrote a note which he called a gentleman
usher in waiting to carry. Napoleon, suspecting the contents,
nodded to an aide de camp to intercept the despatch. As he took it
into his hands Cambaceres begged earnestly that he would not read a
trifling note upon domestic matters. Napoleon persisted, and found
it to be a note to the cook containing only the following words,
"Gardez les entremetes--les rotis sont perdue." When Napoleon was
in good humor at the result of a diplomatic conference he was
accustomed to take leave of the plenipotentiaries with, "Go and dine
"Cambaceres." His table was in fact an important state engine, as
appears from the anecdote of the trout sent to him by the
municipality of Geneva, and charged 300 francs in their accounts.
The Imperial 'Cour des Comptes' having disallowed the item, was
interdicted from meddling with similar municipal affairs in future
(Hayward's Art of Dining, p. 20).]
At the commencement of 1801 Fulton presented to Bonaparte his memorial on
steamboats. I urged a serious examination of the subject. "Bah!" said
he, "these projectors are all either intriguers or visionaries. Don't
trouble me about the business." I observed that the man whom he called
an intriguer was only reviving an invention already known, and that it
was wrong to reject the scheme without examination. He would not listen
to me; and thus was adjourned, for some time, the practical application
of a discovery which has given such an important impulse to trade and
navigation.
Paul I. fell by the hands of assassins on the night of the 24th of March
1801. The First Consul was much shocked on receiving the intelligence.
In the excitement caused by this unexpected event, which had so important
an influence on his policy, he directed me to send the following note to
the Moniteur:--
Paul I. died on the night of the 24th of March, and the English
squadron passed the Sound on the 30th. History will reveal the
connection which probably exists between these two events.
Thus were announced the crime of the 24th of March and the not ill-
founded suspicions of its authors.
--[We do not attempt to rescue the fair name of out country. This
is one among many instances in which Bourrienne was misled.--Editor
of 1886 edition.]--
The amicable relations of Paul and Bonaparte had been daily strengthened.
"In concert with the Czar," said Bonaparte, "I was sure of striking a
mortal blow at the English power in India. A palace revolution has
overthrown all my projects." This resolution, and the admiration of the
Autocrat of Russia for the head of the French Republic, may certainly be
numbered among the causes of Paul's death. The individuals generally
accused at the time were those who were violently and perseveringly
threatened, and who had the strongest interest in the succession of a new
Emperor. I have seen a letter from a northern sovereign which in my mind
leaves no doubt on this subject, and which specified the reward of the
crime, and the part to be performed by each actor. But it must also be
confessed that the conduct and character of Paul I., his tyrannical acts,
his violent caprices, and his frequent excesses of despotism, had
rendered him the object of accumulated hatred, for patience has its
limit. These circumstances did not probably create the conspiracy, but
they considerably facilitated the execution of the plot which deprived
the Czar of his throne and his life.
As soon as Alexander ascended the throne the ideas of the First Consul
respecting the dismemberment of Poland were revived, and almost wholly
engrossed his mind. During his first campaign in Italy, and several
times when in Egypt, he told Sulkowsky that it was his ardent wish to
reestablish Poland, to avenge the iniquity of her dismemberment, and by
that grand repertory act to restore the former equilibrium of Europe. He
often dictated to me for the 'Moniteur' articles tending to prove, by
various arguments, that Europe would never enjoy repose until those great
spoilations were avenged and repaired; but he frequently destroyed these
articles instead of sending them to press. His system of policy towards
Russia changed shortly after the death of Paul. The thought of a war
against that empire unceasingly occupied his mind, and gave birth to the
idea of that fatal campaign which took place eleven years afterwards, and
which had other causes than the re-establishment of Poland. That object
was merely set forward as a pretext.
Duroc was sent to St. Petersburg to congratulate the Emperor Alexander on
his accession to the throne. He arrived in the Russian capital on the
24th of May. Duroc, ,who was at this time very young, was a great
favourite of the First Consul. He never importuned Bonaparte by his
solicitations, and was never troublesome in recommending any one or
busying himself as an agent for favour; yet he warmly advocated the cause
of those whom he thought injured, and honestly repelled accusations which
he knew to be false. These moral qualities; joined to an agreeable
person and elegant manners, rendered him a very superior man.
The year 1801 was, moreover, marked by the fatal creation of special
tribunals, which were in no way justified by the urgency of
circumstances. This year also saw the re-establishment of the African
Company, the treaty of Luneville (which augmented the advantages France
had obtained by the treaty of Campo-Formio),and the peace concluded
between Spain and Portugal by means of Lucien. On the subject of this
peace I may mention that. Portugal, to obtain the cession of Olivenza,
secretly offered Bonaparte, through me, 8,000,000 of francs if he would
contribute his influence towards the acquisition of that town by
Portugal. He, rejected this offer indignantly, declaring that he would
never sell honour for money. He has been accused of having listened to a
similar proposition at Passeriano, though in fact no such proposition was
ever made to him. Those who bring forward such accusations little know
the inflexibility of his principles on this point.
One evening in April 1801 an English paper--the London Gazette--arrived
at Malmaison. It announced the landing in Egypt of the army commanded by
Abercromby, the battle given by the English, and the death of their
General. I immediately translated the article, and presented it to the
First Consul, with the conviction that the news would be very painful to
him. He doubted its truth, or at least pretended to do so. Several
officers and aides de camp who were in the salon coincided in his
opinion, especially Lannes, Bessieres, and Duroc. They thought by so
doing to please the First Consul, who then said to me, in a jeering tone,
"Bah! you do not understand English. This is the way with you: you are
always inclined to believe bad news rather than good!" These words, and
the approving smiles of the gentlemen present, ruffled me, and I said
with some warmth, "How, General, can you believe that the English
Government would publish officially so important an event if it were not
true? Do you think that a Government that has any self-respect would, in
the face of Europe, state a falsehood respecting an affair the truth of
which cannot long remain unknown? Did you ever know an instance of so
important an announcement proving untrue after it had been published in
the London Gazette? I believe it to be true, and the smiles of these
gentlemen will not alter my opinion." On these observations the First
Consul rose and said, "Come, Bourrienne, I want you in the library."
After we had left the salon he added, "This is always the way with you.
Why are you vexed at such trifles? I assure you I believe the news but
too confidently, and I feared it before it came. But they think they
please me by thus appearing to doubt it. Never mind them."--"I ask your
pardon," said I, "but I conceive the best way of proving my attachment to
you is to tell you what I believe to be true. You desire me not to delay
a moment in announcing bad news to you. It would be far worse to
disguise than to conceal it."
CHAPTER V.
1801-1802.
An experiment of royalty--Louis de Bourbon and Maria Louisa, of
Spain--Creation of the kingdom of Etruria--The Count of Leghorn in
Paris--Entertainments given him--Bonaparte's opinion of the King of
Etruria--His departure for Florence, and bad reception there--
Negotiations with the Pope--Bonaparte's opinion on religion--Te Deum
at Notre Dame--Behaviour of the people in the church--Irreligion of
the Consular Court--Augerean's remark on the Te Deum--First Mass at
St. Cloud-Mass in Bonaparte's apartments--Talleyrand relieved from
his clerical vows--My appointment to the Council of State.
Before he placed two crowns on his own head Bonaparte thought it would
promote the interests of his policy to place one on the head of a prince,
and even a prince of the House of Bourbon. He wished to accustom the
French to the sight of a king. It will hereafter be seen that he gave
sceptres, like his confidence, conditionally, and that he was always
ready to undo his own work when it became an obstacle to his ambitious
designs.
In May 1801 the Infanta of Spain, Maria Louisa, third daughter of Charles
IV., visited Paris. The Infante Louis de Bourbon, eldest son of the Duke
of Parma, had gone to Madrid in 1798 to contract a marriage with Maria
Amelia, the sister of Maria Louisa; but he fell in love with the latter.
Godoy favoured the attachment, and employed all his influence to bring
about the marriage. The son who, six years later, was born of this
union, was named Charles Louis, after the King of Spain. France occupied
the Duchy of Parma, which, in fulfilment of the conventions signed by
Lucien Bonaparte, was to belong to her after the death of the reigning
Duke. On the other hand, France was to cede the Grand Duchy of Tuscany
to the son of the Duke of Parma; and Spain paid to France, according to
stipulation, a considerable sum of money. Soon after the treaty was
communicated to Don Louis and his wife they left Madrid and travelled
through France. The prince took the title of Count of Leghorn. All
accounts are unanimous as to the attentions which the Prince and Princess
received on their journey. Among the, fetes in honour of the illustrious
couple that given by M. de Talleyrand at Neuilly was remarkable for
magnificence.
When the Count of Leghorn was coming to pay his first visit to Malmaison
Bonaparte went into the drawing-room to see that everything was suitably
prepared for his reception. In a few minutes he returned to his cabinet
and said to me, somewhat out of humour, "Bourrienne, only think of their
stupidity; they had not taken down the picture representing me on the
summit of the Alps pointing to Lombardy and commanding the conquest of
it. I have ordered its removal How mortifying it would have been if the
Prince had seen it!"
Another picture in the drawing-room at Malmaison represented the First
Consul sleeping on the snow on the summit of the Alps before the battle
of Marengo.
The Count of Leghorn's visit to Paris imparted brilliancy to the first
years of the reign of Bonaparte, of whom it was at that time said, "He
made kings, but would not be one!"
At the representation of AEdipus, the following expression of Philactetes
was received with transport:--
"J'ai fait des Souverains, et n'ai pas voulu l'etre."
["Monarchs I've made, but one I would not be."]
The First Consul, on leaving the theatre, did not conceal his
satisfaction. He judged, from the applause with which that verse had
been received, that his pamphlet was forgotten. The manner, moreover, in
which a king, crowned by his hands, had been received by the public, was
no indifferent matter to him, as he expected that the people would thus
again become familiar with what had been so long proscribed.
This King, who, though well received and well entertained, was in all
respects a very ordinary man, departed for Italy. I say very ordinary,
not that I had an opportunity of judging of his character myself, but the
First Consul told me that his capabilities were extremely limited; that
he even felt repugnance to take a pen in his hand; that he never cast a
thought on anything but his pleasures: in a word, that he was a fool.
One day, after the First Consul had spent several hours in company with
him and his consort, he said to me, "I am quite tired. He is a mere
automaton. I put a number of questions to him, but he can answer none.
He is obliged to consult his wife, who makes him understand as well as
she is able what he ought to say." The First Consul added, " The poor
Prince will set off to-morrow, without knowing what he is going to do."
I observed that it was a pity to see the happiness of the people of
Tuscany entrusted to such a prince. Bonaparte replied, "Policy requires
it. Besides, the young man is not worse than the usual run of kings."
The Prince fully justified in Tuscany the opinion which the First Consul
formed of him.
--[This unfortunate Prince was very ill-calculated to recommend, by
his personal character, the institutions to which the nobility clung
with so much fondness. Nature had endowed him with an excellent
heart, but with very limited talents; and his mind had imbibed the
false impress consequent upon his monastic education. He resided at
Malmaison nearly the whole time of his visit to Paris. Madame
Bonaparte used to lead the Queen to her own apartments; and as the
First Consul never left his closet except to sit down to meals, the
aides de camp were under the necessity of keeping the King company,
and of endeavoring to entertain him, so wholly was he devoid of
intellectual resources. It required, indeed, a great share of
patience to listen to the frivolities which engrossed his attention.
His turn of mind being thus laid open to view, care was taken to
supply him with the playthings usually placed in the hands of
children; he was, therefore, never at a loss for occupation. His
nonentity was a source of regret to us: we lamented to see s tall
handsome youth, destined to rule over his fellow-men, trembling at
the eight of a horse, and wasting his time in the game of hide-and-
seek, or at leap-frog and whose whole information consisted in
knowing his prayers, and in saying grace before and after meals.
Such, nevertheless, was the man to whom the destinies of a nation
were about to be committed! When he left France to repair to his
kingdom, "Rome need not be uneasy," said the First Consul to us
after the farewell audience, "there is no danger of his crossing the
Rubicon" (Memoirs of the Duke of Rovigo, vol. i. p. 363).
In order to show still further attention to the King of Etruria, after
his three weeks' visit to Paris, the First Consul directed him to be
escorted to Italy by a French guard, and selected his brother-in-law
Murat for that purpose.
The new King of a new kingdom entered Florence on the 12th of April 1801;
but the reception given him by the Tuscans was not at all similar to what
he had experienced at Paris. The people received the royal pair as
sovereigns imposed on them by France. The ephemeral kingdom of Etruria
lasted scarcely six years. The King died in 1803, in the flower of his
age, and in 1807 the Queen was expelled from her throne by him who had
constructed it for her.
At this period a powerful party urged Bonaparte to break with the Pope,
and to establish a Gallican Church, the head of which should reside in
France. They thought to flatter his ambition by indicating to him a new
source of power which might establish a point of comparison between him
and the first Roman emperors. But his ideas did not coincide with theirs
on this subject. "I am convinced," said he, "that a part of France would
become Protestant, especially if I were to favour that disposition.
I am also certain that the much greater portion would remain Catholic,
and would oppose, with the greatest zeal and fervour, the schism of a
part of their fellow-citizens. I dread the religious quarrels, the
family dissensions, and the public distractions, which such a state of
things would inevitably occasion. In, reviving a religion which has
always prevailed in the country, and which still prevails in the hearts
of the people, and in giving the liberty of exercising their worship to
the minority, I shall satisfy every one."
The First Consul, taking a superior view of the state of France,
considered that the re-establishment of religious worship would prove a
powerful support to his Government: and he had been occupied ever since
the commencement of 1801 in preparing a Concordat with the Pope. It was
signed in the month of July in the same year. It required some time to
enable the parties to come to an understanding on the subject.
Cardinal Consalvi arrived, in the month of June 1801, at Paris, to
arrange matters on the part of the Pope. Cardinal Caprara and M. de
Spina also formed part of the embassy sent by the Holy Father. There
were, besides, several able theologians, among whom Doctor C---- was
distinguished.
--[The "Doctor C----"was Caselti, later Archbishop of Parma. Bonier
was green the Bishopric of Orleans, not Versailles; see Erreurs,
tome i, p. 276. The details of the surprise attempted at the last
moment by putting before Cardinal Consalvi for his signature an
altered copy of the Concordat should be read in his Memoirs (tome i.
p. 355), or in Lanfrey (tome ii. p. 267). As for Napoleon's
belief that part of the nation might become Protestant, Narbonne
probably put the matter truly when he said there was not religion
enough in France to stand a division. It should be noted that the
Concordat did not so much restore the Catholic Church as destroy the
old Gallican Church, with all its liberties, which might annoy
either Pope or Emperor. But on this point see The Gallican Church
and the Revolution, by Jervis: London, Began Paul, Trench and Co.,
1882. The clergy may, it is true, have shown wisdom in acceding to
any terms of restoration.
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