Books: Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, V12
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Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne >> Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, V12
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This was on the morning of the 27th: Napoleon would not believe the news.
"No!" said he to the Marshal, "you are deceived, this cannot be true."
Then perusing the bulletin with more attention. "Here," said he, "look
yourself. This is the 27th, and the bulletin is dated the 29th. You see
the thing is impossible. The bulletin is forged!" The Marshal, who had
paid more attention to the news than to its date, was astounded. But
having afterwards shown the bulletin to Drouot, that General said, "Alas!
Marshal, the news is but too true. The error of the date is merely a
misprint, the 9 is a 6 inverted!" On what trifles sometimes depend the
most important events. An inverted cipher sufficed to flatter
Bonaparte's illusion, or at least the illusions which he wished to
maintain among his most distinguished lieutenants, and to delay the
moment when they should discover that the loss they deplored was too
certain. On that very day the Empress left Paris.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
1814.
The men of the Revolution and the men of the Empire--The Council of
Regency--Departure of the Empress from Paris--Marmont and Mortier--
Joseph's flight--Meeting at Marmont's hotel--Capitulation of Paris--
Marmont's interview with the Emperor at Fontainebleau--Colonels
Fabvier and Denys--The Royalist cavalcade--Meeting at the hotel of
the Comte de Morfontaine--M. de Chateaubriand and his pamphlet--
Deputation to the Emperor Alexander--Entrance of the Allied
sovereigns into Paris--Alexander lodged in M. Talleyrand's hotel--
Meetings held there--The Emperor Alexander's declaration--
My appointment as Postmaster-General--Composition of the Provisional
Government--Mistake respecting the conduct of the Emperor of
Austria--Caulaincourt's mission from Napoleon--His interview with
the Emperor Alexander--Alexander's address to the deputation of the
Senate--M. de Caulaincourt ordered to quit the capital.
The grandees of the Empire and the first subjects of Napoleon were
divided into two classes totally distinct from each other. Among these
patronised men were many who had been the first patrons of Bonaparte and
had favoured his accession to Consular power. This class was composed of
his old friends and former companions-in-arms. The others, who may be
called the children of the Empire, did not carry back their thoughts to a
period which they had not seen. They had never known anything but
Napoleon and the Empire, beyond which the sphere of their ideas did not
extend, while among Napoleon's old brothers-in-arms it was still
remembered that there was once a country, a France, before they had
helped to give it a master. To this class of men France was not confined
to the narrow circle of the Imperial headquarters, but extended to the
Rhine, the Alps, the Pyrenees, and the two oceans.
On the other hand, numbers of ardent and adventurous young men, full of
enthusiasm for Bonaparte, had passed from the school to the camp. They
were entirely opposed to Napoleon's downfall, because with his power
would vanish those dreams of glory and fortune which had captivated their
imaginations. These young men, who belonged to the class which I have
denominated children of the Empire, were prepared to risk and commit
everything to prolong the political life of their Emperor.
The distinction I have drawn between what may be called the men of France
and the men of the Empire was not confined to the army, but was equally
marked among the high civil functionaries of the State. The old
Republicans could not possibly regard Napoleon with the same eyes as
those whose elevation dated only from Napoleon; and the members of
assemblies anterior to the 18th Brumaire could not entertain the same
ideas as those whose notions of national franchises and public rights
were derived from their seats as auditors in the Council of State. I
know not whether this distinction between the men of two different
periods has been before pointed out, but it serves to explain the conduct
of many persons of elevated rank during the events of 1814. With regard
to myself, convinced as I was of the certainty of Napoleon's fall, I
conceived that the first duty of every citizen was claimed by his
country; and although I may incur censure, I candidly avow that
Napoleon's treatment of me during the last four years of his power was
not without some influence on my prompt submission to the Government
which succeeded his. I, however, declare that this consideration was not
the sole nor the most powerful motive of my conduct. Only those who were
in Paris at the period of the capitulation can form an idea of the
violence of party feeling which prevailed there both for and against
Napoleon, but without the name of the Bourbons ever being pronounced.
They were almost unknown to the new generation, forgotten by many of the
old, and feared by the conventionalists; at that time they possessed only
the frail support of the coteries of the Faubourg St. Germain, and some
remains of the emigration. But as it is certain that the emigrants could
offer only vain demonstrations and wishes in support of the old family of
our Kings, they did little to assist the restoration of the Bourbons.
Another thing equally certain is, that they alone, by their follies and
absurd pretensions, brought about the return of Bonaparte and the second
exile of Louis XVIII. in the following year.
On the 28th of March was convoked an extraordinary Council of Regency,
at which Maria Louisa presided. The question discussed was, whether the
Empress should remain in Paris or proceed to Blois. Joseph Bonaparte
strongly urged her departure, because a letter from the Emperor had
directed that in case of Paris being threatened the Empress-Regent and
all the Council of Regency should retire to Blois. The Arch-Chancellor
and the majority of the Council were of the same opinion, but one of the
most influential members of the Council observed to Joseph that the
letter referred to had been written under circumstances very different
from those then existing, and that it was important the Empress should
remain in Paris, where she would, of course, obtain from the Emperor her
father and the Allied sovereigns, more advantageous conditions than if
she were fifty leagues from Paris. The adoption of this opinion would
only have retarded for a few days a change which had become inevitable;
nevertheless it might have given rise to great difficulties. It must be
admitted that for the interests of Napoleon it was the wisest counsel
that could be suggested. However, it was overruled by Joseph's advice.
M. de Talleyrand, as a member of the Council of Regency, also received
the order to quit Paris on the 30th of March. At this period I was at
his house every day. When I went to him that day I was told he had
started. However I went up, and remained some time in his hotel with
several of his friends who had met there. We soon saw him return, and
for my part I heard with satisfaction that they had not allowed him to
pass the barriers. It was said then, and it has been repeated since,
that M. de Talleyrand was not a stranger to the gentle violence used
towards him. The same day of this visit to M. de Talleyrand I also went
to see the Duc de Rovigo (Savary), with the friendly object of getting
him to remain, and to profit by his position to prevent disturbances.
He refused without hesitating, as he only thought of the Emperor.
I found him by his fireside, where there was a large file, in which he
was burning all the papers which might have compromised every one who had
served his ministry (Police). I congratulated him sincerely on this
loyal occupation: fire alone could purify the mass of filth and
denunciations which encumbered the police archives.
On the departure of the Empress many persons expected a popular movement
in favour of a change of Government, but the capital remained tranquil.
Many of the inhabitants, indeed, thought of defence, not for the sake of
preserving Napoleon's government, but merely from that ardour of feeling
which belongs to our national character. Strong indignation was excited
by the thought of seeing foreigners masters of Paris--a circumstance of
which there had been no example since the reign of Charles VII.
Meanwhile the critical moment approached. On the 29th of March Marshals
Marmont and Mortier fell back to defend the approaches to Paris. During
the night the barriers were consigned to the care of the National Guard,
and not a foreigner, not even one of their agents, was allowed to enter
the capital.
At daybreak on the 30th of March the whole population of Paris was
awakened by the report of cannon, and the plain of St. Denis was soon
covered with Allied troops, who were debouching upon it from all points.
The heroic valour of our troops was unavailing against such a numerical
superiority. But the Allies paid dearly for their entrance into the
French capital. The National Guard, under the command of Marshal Moncey,
and the pupils of the Polytechnic School transformed into artillery men,
behaved in a manner worthy of veteran troops. The conduct of Marmont on
that day alone would suffice to immortalise him. The corps he commanded
was reduced to between 7000 and 8000 infantry and 800 cavalry, with whom,
for the space of twelve hours he maintained his ground against an army of
55,000 men, of whom it is said 14,000 were killed, wounded, and taken.
Marshal Marmont put himself so forward in the heat of the battle that a
dozen of men were killed by the bayonet at his side, and his hat was
perforated by a ball. But what was to be done against overwhelming
numbers!
In this state of things the Duke of Ragusa made known his situation to
Joseph Bonaparte, who authorised him to negotiate.
Joseph's answer is so important in reference to the events which
succeeded that I will transcribe it here.
If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are
authorised to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor
of Russia, who are before them.
They will fall back on the Loire.
(Signed) JOSEPH
Montmartre, 30th March 1814, 12 oclock
It was not until a considerable time after the receipt of this formal
authority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance
against the Allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed upon
until four in the afternoon. It was not waited for by Joseph; at a
quarter past twelve--that is to say, immediately after he had addressed
to Marmont the authority just alluded to Joseph repaired to the Bois de
Boulogne to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to
Rambouillet. The precipitate flight of Joseph astonished only those who
did not know him. I know for a fact that several officers attached to
his staff were much dissatisfied at his alacrity on this occasion.
In these circumstances what was to be done but to save Paris, which there
was no possibility of defending two hours longer. Methinks I still see
Marmont when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from the
field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was waiting
for him, together with about twenty other persons, among whom were MM.
Perregaua and Lafitte. When he entered he was scarcely recognisable: he
had a beard of eight days' growth; the greatcoat which covered his
uniform was in tatters, and he was blackened with powder from head to
foot. We considered what was best to be done, and all insisted on the
necessity of signing a capitulation. The Marshal must recollect that the
exclamation of every one about him was, "France must be saved."
MM. Perregaus and Lafitte delivered their opinions in a very decided way,
and it will readily be conceived how great was the influence of two men
who were at the head of the financial world. They alleged that the
general wish of the Parisians, which nobody had a better opportunity of
knowing than themselves, was decidedly averse to a protracted conflict,
and that France was tired of the yoke of Bonaparte. This last
declaration gave a wider range to the business under consideration.
The question was no longer confined to the capitulation of Paris, but a
change in the government was thought of, and the name of the Bourbons was
pronounced for the first time. I do not recollect which of us it was
who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of the old dynasty,
remarked how difficult it would be to bring about a restoration without
retrograding to the past. But I think I am perfectly correct in stating
that M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall have nothing to fear if we
have a good constitution which will guarantee the rights of all." The
majority of the meeting concurred in this wise opinion, which was not
without its influence on Marshal Marmont.
During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of the
Emperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informed
of the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed
from the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the evening
he was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to
Marshal Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy to
perceive that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was very
different from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. The
officer expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and he
announced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of
Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of the
enemy. The officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the people
rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave the
streets to stone the Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissent
from this absurd idea of defence, and I observed that it was madness to
suppose that Paris could resist the numerous troops who were ready to
enter on the following day; that the suspension of arms had been
consented to by the Allies only to afford time for drawing up a more
regular capitulation, and that the armistice could not be broken without
trampling on all the laws of honour. I added that the thoughts of the
people were directed towards a better future; that the French were tired
of a despotic Government and of the distress to which continual war had
reduced trade and industry; "for," said I, "when a nation is sunk to such
a state of misery its hopes can only be directed towards the future; it
is natural they should be so directed, even without reflection." Most of
the individuals present concurred in my opinion, and the decision of the
meeting was unanimous. Marshal Marmont has since said to me, "I have
been blamed, my dear Bourrienne: but you were with me on the 30th of
March. You were a witness to the wishes expressed by a portion of the
principal inhabitants of Paris. I acted as I was urged to do only
because I considered the meeting to be composed of men entirely
disinterested, and who had nothing to expect from the return of the
Bourbons."
Such is a correct statement of the facts which some persons have
perverted with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. With respect to
those versions which differ from mine I have only one comment to offer,
which is, that I saw and heard what I describe.
The day after the capitulation of Paris--Marmont went in the evening to
see the Emperor at Fontainebleau. He supped with him. Napoleon praised
his defence of Paris.. After supper the Marshal rejoined his corps at
Essonne, and six hours after the Emperor arrived there to visit the
lines. On leaving Paris Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Dent's to
direct the execution of the capitulation. These officers joined the
Emperor and the Marshal as they were proceeding up the banks of the river
at Essonne. They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of the
Allies had produced in Paris. At this intelligence the Emperor was
deeply mortified, and he returned immediately to Fontainebleau, leaving
the Marshal at Essonne.
At daybreak on the 31st of March Paris presented a novel and curious
spectacle. No sooner had the French troops evacuated the capital than
the principal streets resounded with cries of "Down with Bonaparte!"--
"No conscription!"--"No consolidated duties (droits reunis)!" With these
cries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" but this latter cry
was not repeated so frequently as the others: in general I remarked that
the people gaped and listened with a sort of indifference. As I had
taken a very active part in all that had happened during some preceding
days I was particularly curious to study what might be called the
physiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had offered
itself for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of the
man whom they had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire. The
reason was, that liberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for in 1814.
I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups of people who
had assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their handkerchiefs
and distributing the fragments as the emblems of the revived lily. That
same morning I met on the Boulevards, and some hours afterwards on the
Place Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who paraded the streets of the
capital proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons and shouting, "Vive
le Roi!" and "Vive Louis XVIII!" At their head I recognised
MM. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Froissard, the Duc de
Luxembourg, the Duc de Crussol, Seymour, etc. The cavalcade distributed
white cockades in passing along, and was speedily joined by a numerous
crowd, who repaired to the Place Vendome. The scene that was acted there
is well known, and the enthusiasm of popular joy could scarcely excuse
the fury that was directed against the effigy of the man whose
misfortunes, whether merited or not, should have protected him from such
outrages. These excesses served, perhaps more than is generally
supposed, to favour the plans of the leaders of the Royalist party, to
whom M. Nesselrode had declared that before he would pledge himself to
further their views he must have proofs that they were seconded by the
population of Paris.
I was afterwards informed by an eye-witness of what took place on the
evening of the 31st of March in one of the principal meetings of the
Royalists, which was held in the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine, who
acted as president on the occasion. Amidst a chaos of abortive
propositions and contradictory motions M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld
proposed that a deputation should be immediately sent to the Emperor
Alexander to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was
immediately approved, and the mover was chosen to head the deputation.
On leaving the hotel the deputation met M. de Chateaubriand, who had that
very day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration, by
publishing his admirable manifesto, entitled "Bonaparte and the
Bourbons." He was invited to join the deputation; but nothing could
overcome his diffidence and induce him to speak. On arriving at the
hote1 in the Rue St. Florentin the deputation was introduced to Count
Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly explained
its object; he spoke of the wishes of the meeting and of the manifest
desire of Paris and of France. He represented the restoration of the
Bourbons as the only means of securing the peace of Europe; and observed,
in conclusion, that as the exertions of the day must have been very
fatiguing to the Emperor, the deputation would not solicit the favour of
being introduced to him, but would confidently rely on the good faith of
his Imperial Majesty. "I have just left the Emperor," replied M.
Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return to the
meeting and announce to the French people that in compliance with their
wishes his Imperial Majesty will use all his influence to restore the
crown to the legitimate monarch: his Majesty Louis XVIII. shall reascend
the throne of France." With this gratifying intelligence the deputation
returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou.
There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entrance
of the Allies into Paris. It may be praised or blamed, but the fact
cannot be denied. I closely watched all that was passing, and I observed
the expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, after
his alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of Bonaparte
increased in proportion as it was gratified: I clearly foresaw Napoleon's
fall. Whoever watched the course of events during the last four years of
the Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the date of Napoleon's
marriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French Government became daily
more and more tyrannical and oppressive. The intolerable height which
this evil had attained is evident from the circumstance that at the end
of 1813 the Legislative Body, throwing aside the mute character which it
had hitherto maintained, presumed to give a lecture to him who had never
before received a lecture from any one. On the 31st of March it was
recollected what had been the conduct of Bonaparte on the occasion
alluded to, and those of the deputies who remained in Paris related how
the gendarmes had opposed their entrance into the hall of the Assembly.
All this contributed wonderfully to irritate the public mind against
Napoleon. He had become master of France by the sword, and the sword
being sheathed, his power was at an end, for no popular institution
identified with the nation the new dynasty which he hoped to found. .
The nation admired but did not love Napoleon, for it is impossible to
love what is feared, and he had done nothing to claim the affections of
France.
I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at M de
Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his
residence. Of all the persons present at these meetings M. de Talleyrand
was most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government, with
restrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state of
things it was only possible to choose one of three courses: first, to
make peace with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities against
him; second, to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons.
On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereigns
into Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of the
Luxembourg I repaired straight to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, which I
reached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one.
When his Imperial Majesty entered M. de Talleyrand's drawing-room most of
the persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe de
Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration of
the Bourbons. The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision.
Drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street,
he made some observations which enabled me to guess what would be his
determination. "M. de Bourrienne," said he, "you have been the friend of
Napoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is no
possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith." These
last words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which were
made came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making
himself Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons.
A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have above
mentioned, and which were proposed by the Emperor Alexander himself. I
thought, if I may so express myself, that his Majesty was playing a part,
when, pretending to doubt the possibility of recalling the Bourbons,
which he wished above all things, he asked M. de Talleyrand what means he
proposed to employ for the attainment of that object? Besides the
French, there were present at this meeting the Emperor Alexander, the
King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode, M. Pozzo-di-Borgo,
and Prince Liechtenstein. During the discussion Alexander walked about
with some appearance of agitation. "Gentlemen," said, he, addressing us
in an elevated tone of voice, "you know that it was not I who commenced
the war; you know that Napoleon came to attack me in my dominions. But
we are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest or the desire of revenge.
You have seen the precautions I have taken to preserve your capital, the
wonder of the arts, from the horrors of pillage, to which the chances of
war would have consigned it. Neither my Allies nor myself are engaged in
a war of reprisals; and I should be inconsolable if any violence were
committed on your magnificent city. We are not waging war against
France, but against Napoleon, and the enemies of French liberty.
William, and you, Prince " (here the Emperor turned towards the King of
Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who represented the Emperor of
Austria), "you can both bear testimony that the sentiments I express are
yours." Both bowed assent to this observation of Alexander, which his
Majesty several times repeated in different words. He insisted that
France should be perfectly free; and declared that as soon as the wishes
of the country were understood, he and his Allies would support them,
without seeking to favour any particular government.
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