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Books: Memoirs of General Lafayette

L >> Lafayette >> Memoirs of General Lafayette




"M. de Lafayette, I must say, has a right to be considered a true
republican: none of the vanities of his rank, ever entered his head: power,
the effect of which is so great in France, had no ascendancy over him: the
desire of pleasing in a drawing room conversation, did not with him
influence a single phrase: he sacrificed all his fortune to his opinions,
with the most generous indifference. When in the prisons of Olmutz, as when
at the height of his influence, he was equally firm in his attachment to
his principles. His manner of seeing and acting, is open and direct.
Whoever has marked his conduct, may foretell with certainty what he will do
on any particular occasion. His political feeling is that of a citizen of
the United States; and even his person is more English than French. The
hatred, of which M. de Lafayette is the object, has never embittered his
temper; and his gentleness of soul is complete: at the same time nothing
has ever modified his opinions; and his confidence in the triumph of
liberty, is the same as that of a pious man in a future life. These
sentiments, so contrary to the selfish calculations of most of the men who
have acted a part in France, may appear pitiable in the eyes of some
persons--"it is so silly" they think, "to prefer one's country to one's
self; not to change one's party when that party is worsted; in short, to
consider mankind, not as cards with which to play a winning game, but as
the sacred objects of unlimited sacrifices." If this is to form the charge
of silliness, would that it were but once merited by our men of talents!

"It is a singular phenomenon, that such a character as that of M. de
Lafayette, should have appeared in the foremost rank of the French
_noblesse_; but he can neither be censured nor exculpated with
impartiality, without being acknowledged to be such as I have described
him. It then becomes easy to understand the different contrasts which
naturally arose between his disposition and situation. Supporting monarchy
more from duty than attachment, he drew involuntarily towards the
principles of the democrats, whom he was obliged to resist; and a certain
kindness for the advocates of the republican form, was perceptible in him,
although his reflection forbade the admission of their system into France.
Since the departure of M. de Lafayette for America, now forty years ago, we
cannot quote a single action or a single word of his, which was not direct
and consistent. Personal interest never blended itself in the least with
his public conduct: success would have displayed such sentiments to
advantage; but they claim the attention of the historian in spite of
circumstances, and in spite of faults, which may serve as a handle to his
opponents."

M. Lafayette was returned a member of the chamber of deputies from his own
department, in 1819, though his election was opposed by the ministerial
party. Some members rejoiced to see again among them, the "friend and
disciple of Washington;" while others, the adherents of monarchy, viewed
him with distrust and jealousy, as "the veteran general of the revolution."
He was not a very active member of this legislative body; for he was
convinced it would be in vain to attempt restoring the constitution of
1789. He seldom attended the assembly: but on several questions, when he
was present, discovered the same political sentiments which directed his
conduct in the early days of the revolution. The minister offered a
proposition for establishing a censorship over the public journals, and for
arresting persons suspected of being inimical to the restoration of the
Bourbons. Lafayette spoke against the proposed law, "as subversive of all
order, of all right, and of the natural and just privileges of the
citizens." He referred to the evils consequent upon all arbitrary
proceedings against persons merely suspected of being unfriendly to the
government, and to the probable mischiefs which would arise from a severe
restriction upon the liberty of the press. The minister himself
acknowledged, that the proposition was not wholly consistent with the
national rights of the citizens; but insisted upon its expediency in the
present state of the nation. At this time, also, he reminded the ministers
of promises, which had been made by the political friends of Louis XVIII.
in favor of the liberties of the people. He "conjured them to maintain the
liberties of France, within the limits prescribed by the constitution." "To
violate it," said he, "is to dissolve the mutual guarantees of the nation
and of the throne; it is to give ourselves up to a total primitive freedom
from all duties and all laws." This discussion was unusually animated, and
Lafayette was very decided in his opposition to the measure. The course
pursued by the court was condemned; and some severity of remark was
indulged in, as to the designs of ministers. The ministerial party obtained
but a small majority in favor of the law; and some fermentation was excited
in Paris in relation to this subject. The _liberals_, or the friends of
constitutional freedom, were insulted, and the life of Lafayette was openly
menaced.

This year, a society was formed among the friends of constitutional
freedom, for the relief of those, who were arrested on mere suspicion, or
on a charge of violating the restrictions on the press; but who were
believed to be unjustly suspected, and who had been found entirely
innocent, even in the eye of the law, rigid as were its provisions. This
was a numerous society; consisting of fifty four members of the chamber of
deputies, and many other opulent and literary citizens; at the head of
which we find the name of M. Lafayette.

The distinguished Americans and Englishmen who have visited Lafayette, at
his family mansion of La Grange, describe his residence and its inmates as
most beautiful and interesting. "It is situated in the fertile district of
La Brie, thirty miles from Paris, remote from any common road, and far
distant from the bustling world. In the midst of a luxuriant wilderness,
rising above prolific orchards and antiquated woods, appears the five
towers of La Grange, tinged with the golden rays of the declining sun. The
deep moat, the draw bridge; the ivied tower and arched portals, opening
into a large square court, has a feudal and picturesque character; and the
associations which occur, on entering the residence of a man so heroic, so
disinterested, so celebrated, fill the mind with peculiar admiration, and
excite the most lively interest." The family party, partaking more of
patriarchal than of courtly manners, is composed of individuals mutually
attached, and anxious only for mutual improvement and happiness. It
represents the younger members, as employed in their studies or engaged in
innocent recreations so salutary to the youthful temper and constitution:
and the older, as occupied in useful and literary pursuits, or devoted to
the more enlivening pleasures of conversation.

"The venerable head of this happy family, at the age of sixty seven, is in
the full possession of every talent and faculty. His memory has all the
tenacity of youthful recollection. On his person, time has yet made little
visible impression. Not a wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his unbent
and noble figure is still as upright, bold and vigorous, as the mind which
informs it. Grace, strength and dignity still distinguish the fine person
of this extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years before the
world, engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict, does not yet
appear to have reached his grand climactic. Active on his farm, graceful
and elegant in his _salon_, it is difficult to trace, in one of the most
successful agriculturists, and one of the most perfect fine gentlemen of
France, a warrior and a legislator. But the patriot is always discernible.
His conversation is enriched with anecdotes of all that is celebrated in
character or event, for the last fifty years. His elegant and well chosen
collection of books, occupies the highest apartments in one of the towers
of the chateau; and, like the study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm yard
of the philosophical agriculturist. It frequently happens, said M.
Lafayette, to one of his visitors as they were looking from a window on
some flocks, which were moving beneath, that my merinos and my hay carts
dispute my attention to Hume or Voltaire."

Of the benevolent affections of Lafayette, his whole life affords abundant
proofs. He was possessed of the most patriotic and generous feeling.
Numerous instances are also related of his kindness to individuals, and of
his private benefactions. The children of his tenants, and neighbours were
objects of his generosity and complacency. And those who are unjustly
oppressed or defrauded, were sure to find in him, an able advocate. The
widow of an American officer, of French parentage, who was left destitute
at the death of her gallant husband, had a claim for patrimonial estates in
France. The legal evidence to substantiate her claim was exceedingly
difficult to be procured. The case was made known to Lafayette, and he
never ceased his exertions until he recovered the greater part of the
estate.

Soon after the arrival of young Lafayette in Boston, 1795, he wrote to
General Washington, then President of the United States, informing him of
his situation, and requesting advice and counsel from the friend of his
father. As the chief magistrate of the nation, it would not have been
prudent in Washington, publicly to interfere in his behalf--Lafayette, at
this period, was almost equally obnoxious to the rulers of France, as any
one of the royal family. He had, indeed, been most _unjustly_ denounced and
proscribed by the dominant party; but they pretended he was attached to a
monarchy; and a public official act of patronage in the President, towards
young Lafayette, would have furnished a pretext for complaint against the
government. Washington had already given proof, that he did not approve of
the conduct of the French Directory, nor of the proceedings of their
minister in America. But though a prudent policy forbid all official
attention and aid to the son of Lafayette the generous & noble feelings of
Washington induced him to give assurances of personal regard, and of a
readiness to afford all proper assistance towards the education and support
of this youthful subject of political persecution. He wrote to his friend,
Hon. George Cabot, stating the reasons for declining to act officially or
publicly in the case; but requesting Mr. C. to assure young Lafayette that
he might consider him as a father, a friend and protector. Washington
expressed a desire in this letter, that he should become a member of the
university in Cambridge, if qualified for admission, where he would be
under the inspection and tuition of excellent men; for he was aware that
want of employment would lead to dissipation; and that the season of youth
was to be diligently improved for the cultivation of the mind. He desired
Mr. C. to call on him to meet any expenses which might accrue in his
education and support. The French tutor, who attended young Lafayette,
chose to have him under his own private instruction; and he did not enter
the university. The kindness and generosity of Washington were not the less
meritorious in the appeal made to him by the son of his own, and of his
country's friend.

Among the many eminent characters by whom General Lafayette was visited in
his retirement at La Grange, after his return to France, (in 1800) was
CHARLES J. FOX, the celebrated British statesman. The family of Mr. Fox,
for several generations, was ranked among the whip party in England, and
firm friends of the glorious revolution of 1689; when the House of Stuart
was excluded from the throne, and William and Mary acknowledged as the
legitimate sovereigns. Mr. Fox was of the same political school with the
elder PITT, whose powerful talents were successfully exerted for the glory
of Great Britain, in the latter part of the reign of George II. and who was
a firm and decided advocate for the rights of the British colonies in 1775.
When Lafayette and family were confined in the dungeons at Olmutz, Mr. Fox,
with others, then members of the British Parliament, pleaded the cause of
these unhappy sufferers, with great eloquence, but without effect. He had
been personally acquainted with the celebrated French philanthropist,
before this period; and was attached to his character and principles, as a
zealous friend of civil liberty. The interview between these two highly
distinguished reformers is represented to have been peculiarly interesting.
Perhaps, the plans of reform proposed by Mr. Fox, could not have been
carried into effect, at that time, without danger to the stability of the
British government; but the general character of Fox, gave evidence of the
sincerity of his upright purposes; and of the purity of the motives by
which Lafayette was actuated, in the course he pursued in France, in 1789,
and subsequently, cannot be justly doubted, though the revolution did not
result in the, political benefits be had anticipated.

When Mr. Fox was in Paris, some time in 1802, Lafayette hastened from his
retired residence, at La Grange, to call on him. The writer, who gives an
account of this meeting, observes, "that a stranger of an interesting and
graceful figure, came gently in," where he and Mr. Fox were sitting, at the
hotel in Paris, "advanced rapidly; and, embracing Mr. Fox, showed a
countenance full of joy, while tears rolled down his cheeks; Mr. Fox
testified equal emotion. It was M. de Lafayette, the virtuous and unshaken
friend of liberty. He had come from the country to see Mr. Fox, and to
invite him to his house. In a few moments their sentiments were
interchanged. The review of the past was taken in a moment; and they soon
appeared to be affectionate friends, who having parted for a few days, were
now reunited. Lafayette viewed the new state of things with regret; not
from any personal dislike of the first consul, but from a rooted and
principled conviction, that arbitrary power is injurious to the happiness
of mankind.

"In his retirement, and filled with gloomy prospects of the republic, he
lived in the most private and simple manner. In the bosom of an amiable and
affectionate family, he found every consolation. He frequented no place of
amusement; and, with a very limited fortune, exhibited the bright example
of a public man, content with a little, free from all envious and angry
feelings: and willing to live in dignified silence, when he had not the
power or influence to do good."

The visit of Mr. Fox and his friend to La Grange, is thus described--"The
towers and wood of the chateau appeared in peaceful repose, as we drove
near; and when we gained a full view of the building, I felt great emotion;
it was the residence of a great and good man--a patriot and friend of
mankind, whose life had been consecrated to virtue and liberty; the family
came to the hall to meet us, happy in themselves, and rejoicing to see the
illustrious friend of Lafayette! I cannot forget that moment--no silly
affectation, no airs of idle ceremony were seen at the residence of him,
who had gloriously struggled for America, and had done all he could for
France.

"M. de Lafayette and Madame received Mr. and Mrs. Fox with the heartiest
welcome. The family consisted of two daughters, and a son and his wife, all
young and elegant; all living with M. de Lafayette, as a brother and
friend. His graceful and manly form, his benevolent countenance, his frank
and warm manners, which made him almost adored by his family, and a placid
contentedness, nearly allied to cheerfulness; altogether had an
irresistible effect, in gaining the affections and esteem of those admitted
to his more intimate society.

"Madame de Lafayette, of the noble family of Noailes, was a superior and
admirable woman, possessing the high polish of the ancient nobility,
eloquent and animated. Fondly attached to M. de Lafayette and her family,
she regretted nothing of past splendor; she possessed an affectionate
husband, and was happy in retirement. The son was a pleasing young man, and
his wife engaging and interesting; the daughters were charming women,
entirely free from the insipid languor or wretched affectation, which in
young ladies of fashion so much destroys originality of character, and
makes us find, in one of the fashionables, the prototype and pattern of
thousands. In a word, this amiable and happy family seemed united by one
bond of affection, and to desire nothing beyond the circle of their own
tranquil mansion.

"The chateau and estate of La Grange, which Madame, who was an heiress, had
brought with her, was all that remained of his fortune. He had lost every
thing besides in the madness of revolutionary confiscation; and had not yet
been able to procure restitution or compensation. To add to the interest of
the scene, General Fitzpatrick who had known Lafayette in America, and had
vainly attempted, in the British house of Commons, to rouse the ministry to
a sense of humanity and justice for him, joined the party at La Grange, at
this time. That accomplished man was an addition to our society, and was
received most affectionately by the family of Lafayette. I have often
contemplated with great pleasure, Mr. Fox, General Fitzpatrick and M. de
Lafayette walking in the long shady grove near the chateau, speaking of
past times, the war in America, and the revolution in France. The rare
sight of three such characters was grateful to any one who felt friendly to
the cause of civil liberty, and valued men for their services to humanity,
rather than for successful ambition.

"Lafayette spoke a good deal of America; and we learnt from him something
of his various and useful services for that country, at the court of Louis,
as well as of his personal efforts, during the struggle for independence.
His political career in France had not the same happy result, as in
America; but it should be considered, that his situation in the former was
arduous beyond measure. A friend to limited monarchy, and to the legitimate
rights of the people, at a time when the support of one was deemed
hostility to the other, he found it impossible, consistent with his
principles, to follow the mania of the nation. A king of integrity and
firmness, with Lafayette as his counselor, might have been safe, even in
the tumultuous times preceding the seizure of civil power by sanguinary
demagogues. But Louis, it is feared, wanted both these qualities; certainly
the latter. Lafayette failed, therefore, in his patriotic views; not as
Bonaparte is said to have insinuated, because he aimed at what was
impracticable; but because those whose interest it was to second his views,
did not support him. A ruined throne and desolate country subsequently
attested the purity of his principles, and the soundness of his judgment."

General Lafayette is of the _Catholic_ religion, which has been long
established, and is still generally professed, in France. But he discovers
nothing of that exclusive and intolerant spirit which has distinguished the
church of Rome, more especially in ages past. He took an active part in
favor of the proposition, in 1789, for securing the rights of conscience
and the privileges of worship to the protestants of France, according to,
their own particular belief. It was not to be supposed that one of his
enlightened views, and knowledge of human nature, would be a bigot in
religion; or would attach undue importance to the external forms and the
mere ceremonies of worship. He is not, however, to be classed with many
learned men in Roman Catholic countries, in modern times, who merely
_profess_ the papal system because it is the religion of the state, while
they are real infidels; or skeptical as to the essential doctrines of
christianity. It is not improbable that his intercourse with liberal and
candid yet pious men is America, in his early years, served to produce in
his mind charitable sentiments toward those who were educated in a system
differing somewhat from that which he had been taught to revere, in its
ceremonies and even in some of its dogmas. He was several years intimately
acquainted with Washington, Lincoln and other military characters, who were
men of sincere, though of unostentatious piety; as well as with many of the
clergy of our country, whom he could not but esteem and respect; and the
natural effect of such intercourse would be a liberality of opinion on
religious subjects. It is, indeed, a consideration, creditable, in some
measure, to those who admit it, and tending also to prove that christianity
is calculated and designed to be an universal religion, that intelligent
men of different countries and sects unite in receiving all the essential
and practical doctrines of revelation. In a word, "that God is no respecter
of persons; but that in every nation he who _feareth_ him and _worketh
righteousness_ is accepted of him."

Having followed Lafayette through many years of an active and eventful
life, and having witnessed his course in various critical and responsible
situations, we may be prepared to form a correct estimate of his talents,
his wisdom and his virtues. It is far from our wishes to pronounce an
unqualified or exaggerated panegyric on his character. But for the honor of
our species and in justice to this eminent philanthropist, it is proper
that his heroic and generous actions, and his firmness and perseverance of
purpose in the cause of civil liberty and of the rights of mankind, should
be duly appreciated. And when we reflect upon the ardour and constancy of
his efforts in favour of American Independence; upon his personal
sacrifices and exposure to danger in our behalf, in the field, and his
solicitations as our advocate at the court of Louis; upon his warm
attachment to Washington, and to the other patriots and heroes of our
glorious revolution; upon his attempts afterwards to improve the government
of his own country and to place some check upon the despotic power of a
selfish, calculating ministry; upon his uniform resolute, and fearless
opposition to the wild projects of factious men, who obtained ephemeral
influence in France, but whose conduct was equally hostile to the rights
and welfare of the people as that of the agents of an absolute monarch;
upon his steady and firm support of the constitution, formed by the
deputies of the people, and designed to guarantee their liberties; upon his
desire to support the dignity of the monarch, in unison with the rights of
the citizens, and his wishes to afford security to the person of Louis; and
upon his efforts to restore related and constitutional liberty, at the time
the present king returned to France, and when Napoleon was aiming at
unlimited power as perpetual dictator, are we not obliged to acknowledge,
that few men; very few, indeed, have done so much for the social happiness
of their fellows; that very few deserve the gratitude and applause, which
may be justly claimed for this very eminent asserter of the rights of man.
Success is too often made the criterion of human merit. It is matter of
great congratulation, that our revolutionary struggle was successful; and
it is believed, that Lafayette, by his influence in France, and his
personal exertions here, contributed very much to its happy termination. In
his own country, afterwards, he was not so fortunate in attaining and
securing the object at which he aimed. But to the accurate and deep
observer of character and events, it will probably be apparent, that no
one, however resolute, could have established a government in France in
1790, upon the just recognition of the rights of man, and the exercise of
power, (even limited power) in the reigning Prince. That Lafayette was
upright and disinterested in his purpose, perhaps, no candid impartial man
will deny; that any one could have produced a more fortunate issue, is at
least very doubtful. He did not want decision, or energy. He often acted
with great promptness, and gave proof of ready mental resources. He was
also brave, and fearless of personal danger. Other men might have conducted
with more energy; but it would have been at the hazard of a thousand lives
and in violation of constitutional principles. That Lafayette was not more
efficient, or more despotic, when he commanded the national guards, and the
populace of Paris went to Versailles and insulted the royal family; or when
the Jacobin faction, in June 1792, were ready to denounce him and to
prostrate the constitution, did not argue want of energy but the influence
of principle and a salutary love of order.

When it is recollected what important and disinterested services the
Marquis de Lafayette had performed for America, in the most critical
periods of our revolutionary war, and how active and uniform he had been,
through all the changes and excesses in his own country for upwards of
thirty years, it cannot be thought unreasonable, that the citizens of the
United States held his character in high estimation, and were desirous of
greeting him once more, on their own territory, which he had assisted by
his zeal and valour to defend. In his letters to his friends here, and in
the interviews, which he had with American gentleman at his own hospitable
mansion, he frequently expressed a wish and an intention of again visiting
this favored land of liberty. He cherished precious recollections of the
times, long since past, when he joined with many brave and honorable
spirits in the sacred cause of freedom. To the patriots and heroes who
achieved our independence, he had a most sincere and cordial attachment;
and his military associates who survived, and their children, who had often
heard of his heroic and generous deeds, were eager on their part to welcome
him to their country and their affections; and to show to him and to the
world, that they entertained a high sense of his sacrifices and efforts in
securing to them the privileges and blessings they so richly enjoy.