Books: Memoirs of General Lafayette
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Lafayette >> Memoirs of General Lafayette
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If the Marquis de Lafayette was animated by an ardent love of civil
liberty, when he first came to America, his attachment to its principles
must have become more firm and settled, if not more intense, after an
acquaintance of five years, with the patriots and heroes of our revolution.
He had become acquainted with our institutions, and with the principles of
our government; and was probably led to believe that systems equally free
might be maintained in other countries. He was so enamoured, not only with
the theory, but with the practical effects, of republicanism, that he felt
it a duty to recommend systems of government more consonant to the rights
of mankind. We know not, if he justly appreciated the importance of the
general diffusion of knowledge among all classes of people, to ensure such
a happy state of society. It was probably owing to this consideration,
however, that he did not immediately attempt the reformation of the
political system under which his own nation had long been oppressed. That
Louis XVI. was mild, humane, and anxious for the good of his subjects, we
are not disposed to doubt. But the ancient regime was unquestionably
despotic; and in the hands of ambitious or selfish ministers, liable to be
an instrument of injustice and oppression. And those who have long been
accustomed to govern, without being accountable for their conduct, will not
easily be induced to relinquish power, from any considerations of abstract
right, or a belief that others will be more just.
We will here present a letter of Lafayette, directed to Sir H. Clinton; to
show his regard to truth, and to his own reputation suffering in some
measure by a statement which had been publicly made by that military
officer.
"Paris, April 29, 1783.--Sir, Upon a perusal of your printed correspondence,
I must beg leave to trouble you with an observation; not that I have claims
to set forth, or relations to criticise. A sentence in your letter of ----
is the only one I intend to mention. "Having said to Lord Cornwallis, that
he may be opposed by about 2000 continentals; and, as Lafayette observes, a
body of ill-armed militia," you are pleased to add, "as spiritless as the
militia of the southern provinces, and without any service;" which reads as
if it was a part of my letter. How far your description is undeserving, I
think experience has proved; and that it came from me, no American will
believe. But your correspondence is so public that with full reliance on
your candour and politeness I have taken the liberty to transcribe the
passage, and to return it to you, Sir, as its true author. At the same time
permit me to assure you, &c.
"LAFAYETTE."
The reply of Sir H. Clinton.
"_London, May_ 29, 1783.
"Sir, In consequence of the letter you have done me the honor to write me, I
have read over the publication in question; and I confess the remark
alluded to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appears to make a
part of your letter. You have, certainly, Sir, a right to this
acknowledgment, and permit me, at the same time, to add the assurances, &c.
"H. CLINTON."
In the summer of 1784, the Marquis de Lafayette once more visited America.
He came to witness the prosperity and improvements of the country; and to
enjoy the society of those brave and honorable men, with whom he had been
associated in fighting the battles of liberty. Associates in danger form an
attachment for each other, which time does not usually destroy. And when
they have long struggled together for just and generous purposes, the
attachment must be strong and permanent indeed. The heroic actors in our
glorious revolution were linked together by the most disinterested ties.
They will never forget each other's services and virtues: And we trust,
their children will never cease to venerate their characters, or to
acknowledge their exalted merit.
When General Lafayette visited the United States in 1784, he was received
with an affectionate welcome, little less enthusiastic and splendid, than
that with which he has been lately greeted on landing again on our shores,
after a lapse of forty years. He then also arrived at the port of New-York;
and in October following made a visit to Boston, where he had so many
particular friends ready to receive him with the most cordial greetings. He
was met at Watertown by the officers of the (then) late continental army,
and addressed by his ardent friend, General Knox, in behalf of the whole
body, and a public dinner was provided for him on the occasion. The
feelings excited by the visit of their beloved fellow officer, will be best
described by giving the address; which was as follows:
"We, the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the continental army,
embrace the first moment of your arrival, to welcome you with all the
sincerity and ardour of fraternal affection: an affection commenced in the
dark hour of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the successive
vicissitudes of the war.
"We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated occasions to witness
the display of your military talents, and of joining in the approbation and
applause which our beloved Commander in Chief so often expressed of your
conduct. We are deeply impressed, with a sense of the various and important
services you have rendered our country; and it will be the pride of some
patriotic and enlightened historian to enumerate your actions in the field,
and to illustrate your incessant efforts to promote the happiness of the
United States.
"We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the interposition of your
august sovereign and nation, at a time when America was oppressed by a
formidable enemy. By his influence and the powerful assistance afforded by
his land and naval forces, the war has been happily terminated, and the
independence of the United States firmly established, at a period much
earlier than the most sanguine patriot could have expected.
"A mind like yours ennobled by a generous attachment to the rights of
mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure in viewing the people, to whose
cause you so zealously devoted yourself; in full possession of that peace,
liberty and safety, which were the great objects of their pursuit.
"Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own fame, may you go on to add
to the splendor of your character, and heighten the glory of your country,
by placing the name of Lafayette on the same list with Conde, Turenne and
her other immortal heroes.
"In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line.
"H. KNOX."
Reply of the Marquis.
"From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have been eagerly looking
forward to this period. How far my pleasure is completed by your kind
welcome, I leave, my beloved friends, to your own hearts to determine.
"While your affection and confidence ever made me happy, let me gratefully
acknowledge, that, for the marks of our beloved General's approbation, I
felt myself wholly obliged to the gallant troops I commanded. Could my
conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it will be the pride of my
heart to think the American camp was my school, every one of you my
brothers, and that I was adopted as a disciple and son, by our immortal
Commander in Chief.
"In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I enjoyed more than I
could express; every French citizen felt with a patriotic King in this
happy alliance; and from those troops who shared in our dangers, you meet
with a peculiar regard and attachment.
"During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been constantly with you. As an
army, we are separated. But forever, I hope, shall unite in a brotherly
affection: and now that a glorious peace has terminated your labours, I
rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for which you have
conquered, ranks you among the most virtuous citizens of the Commonwealth.
"LAFAYETTE."
At the public dinner given by the officers of the late army to this
distinguished friend of American Independence, were also invited the
Governor and Council, and many others of high rank and distinction. It may
be gratifying to some who peruse this volume to know the sentiments offered
as toasts on the joyful occasion. The following are selected:
The United States--His most Christian Majesty.
General Washington--The Cincinnati.
The asserters and supporters of the rights of mankind through the world.
May America never forget in prosperity those what were her fast friends in
adversity.
May our country be as famed for justice and honor as she is for valour and
success.
The Legislature of the State being in session, ordered, that the Marquis de
Lafayette be invited by the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the
House of Representatives together with the Supreme Executive to meet the
two Houses of Assembly in the Senate room "to congratulate him on his safe
arrival in the United States, after the final establishment of peace, to
which his friendly influence in Europe had largely contributed." The
Marquis attended accordingly, when the Governor congratulated him in terms
of the highest respect and affection; to which the Marquis made a polite
and suitable reply. But Lafayette was too much beloved and his eminent
services in our cause too highly appreciated by the people of the patriotic
town of Boston, not to meet with a more general welcome. A dinner was given
him at Faneuil-Hall by the citizens; at which were present the Governor and
Council, President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of
Representatives, the Clergy and other distinguished gentlemen, and seventy
five officers of the late continental army. When General Washington's name
was given for a toast, the Marquis rose from his seat, and with a tear
starting in his eye, began the act of applause, which was continued and
repeated again and again by the whole company.
In other places, the Marquis also met a cordial and distinguished
reception. His ardent attachment to America and his great services in her
cause, were still fresh in the recollection of all. It was known, that be
had advocated our independence in Europe, and exerted his influence with
his generous Prince to aid in its support. It was remembered, "that in the
moment of our greatest misfortunes, he espoused the cause of America," that
his military talents and the ardour of his virtuous mind had been devoted
to our interest: and "while gratitude should be accounted a virtue, the
name of Lafayette," it was said, "would not cease to be dear to Americans."
When about to leave the United States and return to France, Dec. 1784, the
Marquis de Lafayette addressed a note to Congress, and expressed a desire
to take a respectful leave of that body, before his final departure. A
committee was appointed on this request of the Marquis, of which the Hon.
Mr. Jay was chairman, and whose report was as follows--"That the merit and
services of General Lafayette render it proper that such opportunity of
taking leave of Congress be afforded, as may strongly manifest their esteem
and regard for him."--Whereupon it was resolved, "That a Committee to
consist of a member from each states be appointed to receive the Marquis,
and in the name of Congress to take leave of him--that they be instructed
to assure him, that Congress continue to entertain the same high sense of
his abilities and zeal to promote the welfare of America, both here and in
Europe, which they have frequently expressed and manifested on former
occasions, and which the recent marks of his attention to their commercial
and other interests have perfectly confirmed. That as his uniform and
unceasing attachment to this country has resembled that of a patriotic
citizen, the United States regard him with particular affection, and will
not cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern his honor and
prosperity, and that their best and kindest wishes will always attend him."
It was also resolved by Congress, at the same time; "That a letter be
written to his most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President of
Congress, expressive of the high sense which the United States entertain of
the real talents and meritorious services of the Marquis de Lafayette, and
recommending him to the particular favor and patronage of his Majesty."
The committee received the Marquis in Congress Hall, and took leave of him
in the name of that honorable body, agreeably to the instructions given
there. They communicated to him the resolves before mentioned; to which he
replied--
"While it pleases the Congress of the United States so kindly to receive
me, I want words to express the feelings of a heart, which delights in
their present situation and in the public marks of their esteem.
"Since I joined the standard of liberty to this wished for hour of my
personal congratulations, I have seen such glorious deeds performed and
virtues displayed, by the sons of America, that in the instant of my first
concern for them, I had anticipated but a part of the love and regard which
devote me to this rising empire.
"During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, indulgent confidence,
which I am equally proud and happy to acknowledge; it dates with the time,
when an inexperienced youth, I could only claim my respected friend's
paternal adoption. It has been most benevolently continued throughout every
circumstance of the cabinet and the field; and in personal friendships I
have often found a support against public difficulties. While on this
solemn occasion, I mention my obligations to Congress, the States, and the
people at large, permit me to remember my dear military companions, to
whose services their country is so much indebted.
"Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, and for the part she,
with a beloved king, acted in the cause of mankind, I enjoy an alliance so
well riveted by mutual affection, by interest and even local situation.
Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but enlarge the prospect: and the
private intercourse will every day increase, which independent and
advantageous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is justly understood.
"In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to observe the prevailing
disposition of the people to strengthen the confederation, preserve public
faith, regulate trade; and, in a proper guard over continental magazines
and frontier posts, in a general system of militia, in foreseeing attention
to the navy, to ensure every kind of safety. May this immense temple of
freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors, an example to the oppressed, a
sanctuary for the rights of mankind! And may these happy United States
attain that complete splendor and prosperity, which will illustrate the
blessings of their government, and for ages to come, rejoice the departed
souls of its founders.
"However unwilling to trespass on your time, I must yet present you with my
grateful thanks for the late favours of Congress; and never can they oblige
me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every part of the world,
and to the latest day of my life, to gratify the attachment, which will
ever rank me among the most zealous and respectful servants of the United
States."
On the return of the Marquis de Lafayette to his native country in 1785, he
spent some time in the bosom of his amiable family. With an affectionate
wife, of cultivated mind and accomplished manners, with a circle of
literary friends, and enjoying a high reputation for his heroic services in
America, he must have possessed all the ingredients of human happiness. He
received the smiles of the King and Court; was caressed by the gay and
chivalrous; and had the esteem and friendship of the first literary
characters in France. He was fond of agricultural pursuits; and as his
estates were extensive, he devoted a considerable portion of his time to
the cultivation and improvement of his lands. During this time his
hospitable attentions were shown to American travelers, who were always
sure of his friendly reception.
The legislature of Virginia, in 1786, conferred upon Lafayette, an
honorable tribute of regard, in recollection of his very important services
in defence of American Independence; and particularly of his brave and
successful efforts during the campaign of 1781, against Cornwallis. This
was a resolution to place his bust in their capitol. Mr. Jefferson, then in
France, was authorized to have the like work of honor fixed in Paris, with
consent of the municipal authority of that city and accordingly, another
bust of Lafayette; was placed, by approbation of the King and of the Provot
of Paris, in one of the galleries of the city hall.
In 1786, he traveled through various parts of Germany, and visited the
courts of Vienna and Berlin. He became acquainted with Frederick II. the
greatest royal tactician of Europe; and probably availed of the opportunity
of attending his reviews, to increase his knowledge of military discipline.
Soon after his return to France, we find him uniting his influence and
efforts with the celebrated philosopher, Malesherbes, who was zealously
engaged in favour of the French protestants. At this time, also, he joined
a society in Paris, whose object was the gradual emancipation of the
unfortunate Africans: so generous and active are the principles of liberty,
that they never cease to urge those, who yield to their influence, to deeds
of benevolence and humanity. In 1787, he was chosen a deputy to the
assembly of the States General, by the nobility of Auvergne, his native
province; and at this time he shared largely in the popular favour. But,
although subsequently found among the most zealous for a new constitution,
by which the power of the monarch was greatly curtailed, he now voted with
the other members of the order of nobles, and contended for their distinct
authority.
At this meeting of the States General, however, he was active in procuring
a favorable decree for the protestants, and was the first to raise his
voice for the suppression of "_lettres de cachet_." This convocation of the
States General, composed of separate chambers or orders, had not been long
in session, when great difficulties arose in consequence of various plans,
and the conflicting opinions of different factions, (for factions were now
beginning to appear;) and it was proposed to call a "National Assembly." It
does not appear, that this was a favorite measure of Lafayette; though,
from his avowed sentiments respecting the equal rights of man, it cannot be
doubted, that he approved of the plan. For in 1789, he became a member of
this celebrated assembly, whose acts not only laid the foundation, for a
radical change in the government of France, but tended directly to destroy
the whole power of the monarch. Even here, indeed, he appeared as the
friend and advocate of Louis; and however ardent he was for an amelioration
of the condition of the people, by rendering the civil government more
mild, than heretofore, he was sincere and active in providing for the
personal safety of his Prince, and for the honor of his crown, conformably
to his views of political liberty.
He had, in truth, a most difficult part to act. He was ardently attached to
the cause of freedom, and wished the people should have the public
enjoyment of their just and national principles. And he was equally
desirous, that his royal master should still retain such a portion of
authority, as would be requisite to the dignity of the first magistrate of
a great nation.--But the accomplishment of such generous sentiments was
utterly impossible. Neither Louis, nor his courtiers could consent to the
limitations of the royal authority, proposed by the reformers, and which
were necessary to a just exercise of power in the people, whose
representatives should share in the administration of the government. And
many of the leaders in the revolution, even in its incipient stage, on the
other hand, had such ambitious views, or visionary projects, that nothing
would satisfy them, but an entire relinquishment of power long claimed and
exercised by the Kings of this ancient nation.
In 1789, the new constitution was proposed by the National Assembly, by
which the distinct and independent power of the monarch was almost
annihilated; and the whole legislative authority was given to the
representatives of the people. That Lafayette, and some others who
advocated this instrument, were actuated by a disinterested love of the
people, and believed that sufficient power was reserved to the King to
secure respect for him, as the political head of the nation, cannot be
doubted. We have only to lament, that subsequent events afforded proofs of
the unfitness of the French people, at that period, for the blessings of a
more popular government. It must also be admitted, that many who professed
republicanism, and boasted of their regard to the people's rights were
unprincipled and ambitious men, whom power had intoxicated, or who
entertained views of government utterly inconsistent with the just
authority of the laws, and the safety of individuals. Lafayette offered the
declaration of the rights of man, at this period, for the sanction of the
assembly: And though he was accused by the anti-revolutionists, as the
author of all the excesses and cruelties which followed, for this
proposition, it may justly be said in his behalf, that it contained no
other axioms, than are admitted, by all impartial writers, as essential in
free governments. The King and his courtiers condemned them; and jacobins
and demagogues afterwards abused them, in their wild notions of
republicanism, or their selfish projects of personal aggrandizement.
Lafayette was charged with indiscretion and want of judgment, for the
active and zealous part which he took in the revolution, not only by
bigoted monarchists, but by some who were friendly to republican
institutions. He is said to have declared, "that when oppression and
tyranny were at their height, insurrection became a duty." This
declaration, however, when candidly considered, implies no more, than was
frequently expressed by the patriots of America, when opposing the
arbitrary power of the British ministry, and advocating independence as the
only remedy. The ardour and enthusiasm of Lafayette, probably, betrayed him
into some practical errors, and led him to utter expressions, which were
capable of being pressed into the service of jacobins and anarchists. We
only contend, that he had no selfish views to accomplish--and that he was
really friendly to the welfare and honor of his Prince, as well as to the
liberty and happiness of the French people.
This is fully established by the fact, that, at this period and afterwards,
when jacobin clubs were formed and acted as dictators to the National
Assembly, he became obnoxious to them, for his firmness in adhering to
constitutional principles; and, though generally censured by the royalists
as an advocate for liberty and reform, was hated and opposed by the
factions, with the pretence of his being still attached to the ancient
regime. He retained his hold on the affections of the people for some time,
and enjoyed also, more of the confidence and regard of the King, then any
other who had favored the revolution. The court found him, at least, candid
and sincere; and he often exposed himself to imminent danger in their
defence. As proof of the former, he was chosen Vice President of the
national assembly, in the absence of the aged President, July 1789; and
appointed to the command of the citizens of Paris, to quell the riots, and
to restore tranquility to the city, when an alarming tumult existed, in
consequence of the want of bread among the lower classes. As evidence of
the latter, the King often consulted him in cases of difficulties and
danger; and entrusted his person and family to his custody, when threatened
by a lawless mob, though he well knew the sentiments of Lafayette, on the
great question of royal authority.
When he was appointed to the command of the Parisian militia, (afterwards
denominated the national guard,) which had been promptly organized
according to a plan of his suggesting, it was a time of great confusion and
tumult. He accepted the appointment from the most patriotic motives.
Drawing his sword before an immense concourse of citizens then assembled,
"Lafayette made a vow to sacrifice his life, if necessary, to the
preservation of that precious liberty which had been entrusted to him." It
was then too, at the moment of his "brightest popularity," that he exhorted
those who pressed around him, "to love the friends of the people; but, at
the same time, to maintain an entire submission to the laws, and to cherish
a zeal for liberty."
He manifested the highest respect for the civil power, even when he
commanded the national guard and Parisian militia, though with this immense
military force, and with his unbounded popularity, he might have safely
followed his own wishes. The Parisians were eager to march to Versailles,
where the King and court resided, to demand an immediate supply of bread.
The mob proceeded thither in great numbers, and still greater tumult. He
declined marching the military, until be had the express consent and order
of the National Assembly. And on his arrival, he immediately joined with
the king's body guard, in suppressing the riotous proceedings of the
promiscuous multitude, who had previously reached the place, and were
committing depredations even in the royal palace. This was a scene of great
confusion and alarm; and violence and bloodshed ensued. The enemies of
Lafayette pretended, that he might have prevented the mischief, by timely
and decisive measures. But impartial witnesses testified, "that, from the
first moment of the alarm, he had even exceeded his usual activity." He
appeared in every quarter. "Gentlemen," said he to the Parisian soldiers,
"I have pledged my word and honor to the King, that nothing belonging to
him shall receive injury. If I break my word, I shall no longer be worthy
of being your commander." The people insisted, that the King should go to
Paris; and on consulting with the Marquis, who gave assurances of
protection and respect, he proceeded to the city, accompanied by his
family, and was received with great acclamations of _vive Le Roi_.
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