Books: The Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1568

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MOTLEY'S HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS, PG EDITION, VOLUME 15.

THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

By John Lothrop Motley

1855

1568 [CHAPTER II.]

Orange, Count Louis, Hoogstraaten, and others, cited before the
Blood-Council--Charges against them--Letter of Orange in reply--
Position and sentiments of the Prince--Seizure of Count de Buren--
Details of that transaction--Petitions to the Council from Louvain
and other places--Sentence of death against the whole population of
the Netherlands pronounced by the Spanish Inquisition and proclaimed
by Philip--Cruel inventions against heretics--The Wild Beggars--
Preliminary proceedings of the Council against Egmont and Horn--
Interrogatories addressed to them in prison--Articles of accusation
against them--Foreclosure of the cases--Pleas to the jurisdiction--
Efforts by the Countesses Egmont and Horn, by many Knights of the
Fleece, and by the Emperor, in favor of the prisoners--Answers of
Alva and of Philip--Obsequious behavior of Viglius--Difficulties
arising from the Golden Fleece statutes set aside--Particulars of
the charges against Count Horn and of his defence--Articles of
accusation against Egmont--Sketch of his reply--Reflections upon the
two trials--Attitude of Orange--His published 'Justification'--His
secret combinations--His commission to Count Louis--Large sums of
money subscribed by the Nassau family, by Netherland refugees, and
others--Great personal sacrifices made by the Prince--Quadruple
scheme for invading the Netherlands--Defeat of the patriots under
Cocqueville--Defeat of Millers--Invasion of Friesland by Count
Louis--Measures of Alva to oppose him--Command of the royalists
entreated to Aremberg and Meghem--The Duke's plan for the campaign--
Skirmish at Dam--Detention of Meghem--Count Louis at Heiliger--Lee--
Nature of the ground--Advance of Aremberg--Disposition of the
patriot forces--Impatience of the Spanish troops to engage--Battle
of Heiliger-Lee--Defeat and death of Aremberg--Death of Adolphus
Nassau--Effects of the battle--Anger and severe measures of Alva--
Eighteen nobles executed at Brussels--Sentence of death pronounced
upon Egmont and Horn--The Bishop of Ypres sent to Egmont--Fruitless
intercession by the prelate and the Countess--Egmont's last night in
prison--The "grande place" at Brussels--Details concerning the
execution of Egmont and Horn--Observation upon the characters of the
two nobles--Destitute condition of Egmont's family.

Late in October, the Duke of Alva made his triumphant entry into the new
fortress. During his absence, which was to continue during the remainder
of the year, he had ordered the Secretary Courteville and the Councillor
del Rio to superintend the commission, which was then actually engaged in
collecting materials for the prosecutions to be instituted against the
Prince of Orange and the other nobles who had abandoned the country.
Accordingly, soon after his return, on the 19th of January, 1568, the
Prince, his brother Louis of Nassau, his brother-in-law, Count Van den
Berg, the Count Hoogstraaten, the Count Culemburg, and the Baron
Montigny, were summoned in the name of Alva to appear before the Blood-
Council, within thrice fourteen days from the date of the proclamation,
under pain of perpetual banishment with confiscation of their estates.
It is needless to say that these seigniors did not obey the summons.
They knew full well that their obedience would be rewarded only by death.

The charges against the Prince of Orange, which were drawn up in ten
articles, stated, chiefly and briefly, that he had been, and was, the
head and front of the rebellion; that as soon as his Majesty had left the
Netherlands, he had begun his machinations to make himself master of the
country and to expel his sovereign by force, if he should attempt to
return to the provinces; that he had seduced his Majesty's subjects by
false pretences that the Spanish inquisition was about to be introduced;
that he had been the secret encourager and director of Brederode and the
confederated nobles; and that when sent to Antwerp, in the name of the
Regent, to put down the rebellion, he had encouraged heresy and accorded
freedom of religion to the Reformers.

The articles against Hoogstraaten and the other gentlemen mere of similar
tenor. It certainly was not a slender proof of the calm effrontery of
the government thus to see Alva's proclamation charging it as a crime
upon Orange that he had inveigled the lieges into revolt by a false
assertion that the inquisition was about to be established, when letters
from the Duke to Philip, and from Granvelle to Philip, dated upon nearly
the same day, advised the immediate restoration of the inquisition as
soon as an adequate number of executions had paved the way for the
measure. It was also a sufficient indication of a reckless despotism,
that while the Duchess, who had made the memorable Accord with the
Religionists, received a flattering letter of thanks and a farewell
pension of fourteen thousand ducats yearly, those who, by her orders, had
acted upon that treaty as the basis of their negotiations, were summoned
to lay down their heads upon the block.

The Prince replied to this summons by a brief and somewhat contemptuous
plea to the jurisdiction. As a Knight of the Fleece, as a member of the
Germanic Empire, as a sovereign prince in France, as a citizen of the
Netherlands, he rejected the authority of Alva and of his self-
constituted tribunal. His innocence he was willing to establish before
competent courts and righteous judges. As a Knight of the Fleece, he
said he could be tried only by his peers, the brethren of the Order, and,
for that purpose, he could be summoned only by the King as Head of the
Chapter, with the sanction of at least six of his fellow-knights. In
conclusion, he offered to appear before his Imperial Majesty, the
Electors, and other members of the Empire, or before the Knights of the
Golden Fleece. In the latter case, he claimed the right, under the
statutes of that order, to be placed while the trial was pending, not in
a solitary prison, as had been the fate of Egmont and of Horn, but under
the friendly charge and protection of the brethren themselves. The
letter was addressed to the procurator-general, and a duplicate was
forwarded to the Duke.

From the general tenor of the document, it is obvious both that the
Prince was not yet ready to throw down the gauntlet to his sovereign,
nor to proclaim his adhesion to the new religion: Of departing from the
Netherlands in the spring, he had said openly that he was still in
possession of sixty thousand florins yearly, and that he should commence
no hostilities against Philip, so long as he did not disturb him in his
honor or his estates. Far-seeing politician, if man ever were, he knew
the course whither matters were inevitably tending, but he knew how much
strength was derived from putting an adversary irretrievably in the
wrong. He still maintained an attitude of dignified respect towards the
monarch, while he hurled back with defiance the insolent summons of the
viceroy. Moreover, the period had not yet arrived for him to break
publicly with the ancient faith. Statesman, rather than religionist,
at this epoch, he was not disposed to affect a more complete conversion
than the one which he had experienced. He was, in truth, not for a new
doctrine, but for liberty of conscience. His mind was already expanding
beyond any dogmas of the age. The man whom his enemies stigmatized as
atheist and renegade, was really in favor of toleration, and therefore,
the more deeply criminal in the eyes of all religious parties.

Events, personal to himself, were rapidly to place him in a position from
which he might enter the combat with honor.

His character had already been attacked, his property threatened with
confiscation. His closest ties of family were now to be severed by the
hand of the tyrant. His eldest child, the Count de Buren, torn from his
protection, was to be carried into indefinite captivity in a foreign
land. It was a remarkable oversight, for a person of his sagacity, that,
upon his own departure from the provinces, he should leave his son, then
a boy of thirteen years, to pursue his studies at the college of Louvain.
Thus exposed to the power of the government, he was soon seized as a
hostage for the good behavior of the father. Granvelle appears to have
been the first to recommend the step in a secret letter to Philip, but
Alva scarcely needed prompting. Accordingly, upon the 13th of February,
1568, the Duke sent the Seignior de Chassy to Louvain, attended by four
officers and by twelve archers. He was furnished with a letter to the
Count de Buren, in which that young nobleman was requested to place
implicit confidence in the bearer of the despatch, and was informed that
the desire which his Majesty had to see him educated for his service, was
the cause of the communication which the Seignior de Chassy was about to
make.

That gentleman was, moreover, minutely instructed as to his method of
proceeding in this memorable case of kidnapping. He was to present the
letter to the young Count in presence of his tutor. He was to invite him
to Spain in the name of his Majesty. He was to assure him that his
Majesty's commands were solely with a view, to his own good, and that he
was not commissioned to arrest, but only to escort him. He was to allow
the Count to be accompanied only by two valets, two pages, a cook, and a
keeper of accounts. He was, however, to induce his tutor to accompany
him, at least to the Spanish frontier. He was to arrange that the second
day after his arrival at Louvain, the Count should set out for Antwerp,
where he was to lodge with Count Lodron, after which they were to proceed
to Flushing, whence they were to embark for Spain. At that city he was
to deliver the young Prince to the person whom he would find there,
commissioned for that purpose by the Duke. As soon as he had made the
first proposition at Louvain to the Count, he was, with the assistance of
his retinue, to keep the most strict watch over him day and night, but
without allowing the supervision to be perceived.

The plan was carried out admirably, and in strict accordance with the
program. It was fortunate, however, for the kidnappers, that the young
Prince proved favorably disposed to the plan. He accepted the invitation
of his captors with alacrity. He even wrote to thank the governor for
his friendly offices in his behalf. He received with boyish
gratification the festivities with which Lodron enlivened his brief
sojourn at Antwerp, and he set forth without reluctance for that gloomy
and terrible land of Spain, whence so rarely a Flemish traveller had
returned. A changeling, as it were, from his cradle, he seemed
completely transformed by his Spanish tuition, for he was educated and
not sacrificed by Philip. When he returned to the Netherlands, after a
twenty years' residence in Spain, it was difficult to detect in his
gloomy brow, saturnine character, and Jesuistical habits, a trace of the
generous spirit which characterized that race of heroes, the house of
Orange-Nassau.

Philip had expressed some anxiety as to the consequences of this capture
upon the governments of Germany. Alva, however, re-assured his sovereign
upon that point, by reason of the extreme docility of the captive, and
the quiet manner in which the arrest had been conducted. At that
particular juncture, moreover, it would, have been difficult for the
government of the Netherlands to excite surprise any where, except by
an act of clemency. The president and the deputation of professors
from the university of Louvain waited upon Vargas, by whom, as acting
president of the Blood-Council, the arrest had nominally been made, with
a remonstrance that the measure was in gross violation of their statutes
and privileges. That personage, however, with his usual contempt both
for law and Latin, answered brutally, "Non curamus vestros privilegios,"
and with this memorable answer, abruptly closed his interview with the
trembling pedants.

Petitions now poured into the council from all quarters, abject
recantations from terror-stricken municipalities, humble intercessions
in behalf of doomed and imprisoned victims. To a deputation of the
magistracy of Antwerp, who came with a prayer for mercy in behalf of some
of their most distinguished fellow-citizens, then in prison, the Duke
gave a most passionate and ferocious reply. He expressed his wonder that
the citizens of Antwerp, that hotbed of treason, should dare to approach
him in behalf of traitors and heretics. Let them look to it in future,
he continued, or he would hang every man in the whole city, to set an
example to the rest of the country; for his Majesty would rather the
whole land should become an uninhabited wilderness, than that a single
Dissenter should exist within its territory.

Events now marched with rapidity. The monarch seemed disposed literally
to execute the threat of his viceroy. Early in the year, the most
sublime sentence of death was promulgated which has ever been pronounced
since the creation of the world. The Roman tyrant wished that his
enemies' heads were all upon a single neck, that he might strike them off
at a blow; the inquisition assisted Philip to place the heads of all his
Netherland subjects upon a single neck for the same fell purpose. Upon
the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the Holy Office condemned all the
inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as heretics. From this universal
doom only a few persons, especially named; were excepted. A proclamation
of the King, dated ten days later, confirmed this decree of the
inquisition, and ordered it to be carried into instant execution, without
regard to age, sex, or condition. This is probably the most concise
death-warrant that was ever framed. Three millions of people, men,
women, and children, were sentenced to the scaffold in: three lines; and,
as it was well known that these were not harmless thunders, like some
bulls of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures, which it was
intended should be enforced, the horror which they produced may be easily
imagined. It was hardly the purpose of Government to compel the absolute
completion of the wholesale plan in all its length and breadth, yet in
the horrible times upon which they had fallen, the Netherlanders might be
excused for believing that no measure was too monstrous to be fulfilled.
At any rate, it was certain that when all were condemned, any might at a
moment's warning be carried to the scaffold, and this was precisely the
course adopted by the authorities.

Under this universal decree the industry of the Blood-Council might, now
seem superfluous. Why should not these mock prosecutions be dispensed
with against individuals, now that a common sentence had swallowed the
whole population in one vast grave? Yet it may be supposed that if the
exertions of the commissioners and councillors served no other purpose,
they at least furnished the Government with valuable evidence as to the
relative wealth and other circumstances of the individual victims. The
leading thought of the Government being that persecution, judiciously
managed, might fructify into a golden harvest,--it was still desirable to
persevere in the cause in which already such bloody progress had been
made.

And under this new decree, the executions certainly did not slacken.
Men in the highest and the humblest positions were daily and hourly
dragged to the stake. Alva, in a single letter to Philip, coolly
estimated the number of executions which were to take place immediately
after the expiration of holy week, "at eight hundred heads." Many a
citizen, convicted of a hundred thousand florins and of no other crime,
saw himself suddenly tied to a horse's tail, with his hands fastened
behind him, and so dragged to the gallows. But although wealth was an
unpardonable sin, poverty proved rarely a protection. Reasons sufficient
could always be found for dooming the starveling laborer as well as the
opulent burgher. To avoid the disturbances created in the streets by the
frequent harangues or exhortations addressed to the bystanders by the
victims on their way to the scaffold, a new gag was invented. The tongue
of each prisoner was screwed into an iron ring, and then seared with a
hot iron. The swelling and inflammation which were the immediate result,
prevented the tongue from slipping through the ring, and of course
effectually precluded all possibility of speech.

Although the minds of men were not yet prepared for concentrated revolt
against the tyranny under which they were languishing, it was not
possible to suppress all sentiments of humanity, and to tread out every
spark of natural indignation.

Unfortunately, in the bewilderment and misery of this people, the first
development of a forcible and organized resistance was of a depraved and
malignant character. Extensive bands of marauders and highway robbers
sprang into existence, who called themselves the Wild Beggars, and who,
wearing the mask and the symbols of a revolutionary faction, committed
great excesses in many parts of the country, robbing, plundering, and
murdering. Their principal wrath was exercised against religious houses
and persons. Many monasteries were robbed, many clerical persons maimed
and maltreated. It became a habit to deprive priests of their noses or
ears, and to tie them to the tails of horses. This was the work of
ruffian gangs, whose very existence was engendered out of the social and
moral putrescence to which the country was reduced, and who were willing
to profit by the deep and universal hatred which was felt against
Catholics and monks. An edict thundered forth by Alva, authorizing and
commanding all persons to slay the wild beggars at sight, without trial
or hangman, was of comparatively slight avail. An armed force of
veterans actively scouring the country was more successful, and the
freebooters were, for a time, suppressed.

Meantime the Counts Egmont and Horn had been kept in rigorous confinement
at Ghent. Not a warrant had been read or drawn up for their arrest.
Not a single preliminary investigation, not the shadow of an information
had preceded the long imprisonment of two men so elevated in rank,
so distinguished in the public service. After the expiration of two
months, however, the Duke condescended to commence a mock process against
them. The councillors appointed to this work were Vargas and Del Rio,
assisted by Secretary Praets. These persons visited the Admiral on the
10th, 11th, 12th and 17th of November, and Count Egmont on the 12th,
13th, 14th, and 16th, of the same month; requiring them to respond to a
long, confused, and rambling collection of interrogatories. They were
obliged to render these replies in prison, unassisted by any advocates,
on penalty of being condemned 'in contumaciam'. The questions, awkwardly
drawn up as they seemed, were yet tortuously and cunningly arranged with
a view of entrapping the prisoners into self-contradiction. After this
work had been completed, all the papers by which they intended to justify
their answers were taken away from them. Previously, too, their houses
and those of their secretaries, Bakkerzeel and Alonzo de la Loo, had been
thoroughly ransacked, and every letter and document which could be found
placed in the hands of government. Bakkerzeel, moreover, as already
stated, had been repeatedly placed upon the rack, for the purpose of
extorting confessions which might implicate his master. These
preliminaries and precautionary steps having been taken, the Counts had
again been left to their solitude for two months longer. On the 10th
January, each was furnished with a copy of the declarations or
accusations filed against him by the procurator-general. To these
documents, drawn up respectively in sixty-three, and in ninety articles,
they were required, within five days' time, without the assistance of an
advocate, and without consultation with any human being, to deliver a
written answer, on pain, as before, of being proceeded against and
condemned by default.

This order was obeyed within nearly the prescribed period and here, it
may be said, their own participation in their trial ceased; while the
rest of the proceedings were buried in the deep bosom of the Blood-
Council. After their answers had been delivered, and not till then, the
prisoners were, by an additional mockery, permitted to employ advocates.
These advocates, however, were allowed only occasional interviews with
their clients, and always in the presence of certain persons, especially
deputed for that purpose by the Duke. They were also allowed
commissioners to collect evidence and take depositions, but before the
witnesses were ready, a purposely premature day, 8th of May, was fixed
upon for declaring the case closed, and not a single tittle of their
evidence, personal or documentary, was admitted.--Their advocates
petitioned for an exhibition of the evidence prepared by government, and
were refused. Thus, they were forbidden to use the testimony in their
favor, while that which was to be employed against them was kept secret.
Finally, the proceedings were formally concluded on the 1st of June, and
the papers laid before the Duke. The mass of matter relating to these
two monster processes was declared, three days afterwards to have been
examined--a physical impossibility in itself--and judgment was pronounced
upon the 4th of June. This issue was precipitated by the campaign of
Louis Nassau in Friesland, forming a aeries of important events which it
will be soon our duty to describe. It is previously necessary, however,
to add a few words in elucidation of the two mock trials which have been
thus briefly sketched.

The proceeding had been carried on, from first to last, under protest by
the prisoners, under a threat of contumacy on the part of the government.
Apart from the totally irresponsible and illegal character of the
tribunal before which they were summoned--the Blood-Council being a
private institution of Alva's without pretext or commission--these nobles
acknowledged the jurisdiction of but three courts. As Knights of the
Golden Fleece, both claimed the privilege of that Order to be tried by
its statutes. As a citizen and noble of Brabant, Egmont claimed the
protection of the "Joyeuse Entree," a constitution which had been sworn
to by Philip and his ancestors, and by Philip more amply, than by all his
ancestors. As a member and Count of the Holy Roman Empire, the Admiral
claimed to be tried by his peers, the electors and princes of the realm.

The Countess Egmont, since her husband's arrest, and the confiscation of
his estates before judgment, had been reduced to a life of poverty as
well as agony. With her eleven children, all of tender age, she had
taken refuge in a convent. Frantic with despair, more utterly desolate,
and more deeply wronged than high-born lady had often been before, she
left no stone unturned to save her husband from his fate, or at least to
obtain for him an impartial and competent tribunal. She addressed the
Duke of Alva, the King, the Emperor, her brother the Elector Palatine,
and many leading Knights of the Fleece. The Countess Dowager of Horn,
both whose sons now lay in the jaws of death, occupied herself also with
the most moving appeals to the same high personages. No pains were
spared to make the triple plea to the jurisdiction valid. The leading
Knights of the Fleece, Mansfeld, whose loyalty was unquestioned, and
Hoogstraaten, although himself an outlaw; called upon the King of Spain
to protect the statutes of the illustrious order of which he was the
chief. The estates of Brabant, upon the petition of Sabina, Countess
Egmont, that they would take to heart the privileges of the province,
so that her husband might enjoy that protection of which the meanest
citizen in the land could not be justly deprived, addressed a feeble
and trembling protest to Alva, and enclosed to him the lady's petition.
The Emperor, on behalf of Count Horn, wrote personally to Philip, to
claim for him a trial before the members of the realm.

It was all in vain. The conduct of Philip and his Viceroy coincided in
spirit with the honest brutality of Vargas. "Non curamus vestros
privilegios," summed up the whole of the proceedings. Non curamus
vestros privilegios had been the unanswerable reply to every
constitutional argument which had been made against tyranny since Philip
mounted his father's throne. It was now the only response deemed
necessary to the crowd of petitions in favor of the Counts, whether they
proceeded from sources humble or august. Personally, the King remained
silent as the grave. In writing to the Duke of Alva, he observed that
"the Emperor, the Dukes of Bavaria and Lorraine, the Duchess and the
Duchess-dowager, had written to him many times, and in the most pressing
manner, in favor of the Counts Horn and Egmont." He added, that he had
made no reply to them, nor to other Knights of the Fleece who had
implored him to respect the statutes of the order, and he begged Alva
"to hasten the process as fast as possible." To an earnest autograph
letter, in which the Emperor, on the 2nd of March, 1568, made a last
effort to save the illustrious prisoners, he replied, that "the whole
world would at last approve his conduct, but that, at any rate, he would
not act differently, even if he should risk the loss of the provinces,
and if the sky should fall on his head."

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