Books: The Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1563 64

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MOTLEY'S HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS, PG EDITION, VOLUME 8.

THE RISE OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC

JOHN LOTHROP MOTLEY, D.C.L., LL.D.

1855

1563-1564 [CHAPTER IV.]

Joint letter to Philip, from Orange, Egmont, and Horn--Egmont's
quarrel with Aerschot and with Aremberg--Philip's answer to the
three nobles--His instructions to the Duchess--Egmont declines the
King's invitation to visit Spain--Second letter of the three
seigniors--Mission of Armenteros--Letter of Alva--Secret letters of
Granvelle to Philip--The Cardinal's insinuations and instructions--
His complaints as to the lukewarmness of Berghen and Montigny in the
cause of the inquisition--Anecdotes to their discredit privately
chronicled by Granvelle--Supposed necessity for the King's presence
in the provinces--Correspondence of Lazarus Schwendi--Approaching
crisis--Anxiety of Granvelle to retire--Banquet of Caspar Schetz--
Invention of the foolscap livery--Correspondence of the Duchess and
of the Cardinal with Philip upon the subject--Entire withdrawal of
the three seigniors from the state council--the King advises with
Alva concerning the recall of Granvelle--Elaborate duplicity of
Philip's arrangements--His secret note to the Cardinal--His
dissembling letters to others--Departure of Granvelle from the
Netherlands--Various opinions as to its cause--Ludicrous conduct of
Brederode and Hoogstraaten--Fabulous statements in Granvelle's
correspondence concerning his recall--Universal mystification--The
Cardinal deceived by the King--Granvelle in retirement--His
epicureanism--Fears in the provinces as to his return--Universal joy
at his departure--Representations to his discredit made by the
Duchess to Philip--Her hypocritical letters to the Cardinal--
Masquerade at Count Mansfeld's--Chantonnay's advice to his brother--
Review of Granvelle's administration and estimate of his character.

On the 11th March, 1563, Orange, Horn, and Egmont united in a remarkable
letter to the King. They said that as their longer "taciturnity" might
cause the ruin of his Majesty's affairs, they were at last compelled to
break silence. They hoped that the King would receive with benignity a
communication which was pure, frank, and free from all passion. The
leading personages of the province, they continued, having thoroughly
examined the nature and extent of Cardinal Granvelle's authority, had
arrived at the conclusion that every thing was in his hands. This
persuasion, they said, was rooted in the hearts of all his Majesty's
subjects, and particularly in their own, so deeply, that it could not be
eradicated as long as the Cardinal remained. The King was therefore
implored to consider the necessity of remedying the evil. The royal
affairs, it was affirmed, would never be successfully conducted so long
as they were entrusted to Granvelle, because he was so odious to so many
people. If the danger were not imminent, they should not feel obliged to
write to his Majesty with so much vehemence. It was, however, an affair
which allowed neither delay nor dissimulation. They therefore prayed the
King, if they had ever deserved credence in things of weight, to believe
them now. By so doing, his Majesty would avoid great mischief. Many
grand seigniors, governors, and others, had thought it necessary to give
this notice, in order that the King might prevent the ruin of the
country. If, however, his Majesty were willing, as they hoped, to avoid
discontenting all for the sake of satisfying one, it was possible that
affairs might yet prosper. That they might not be thought influenced by
ambition or by hope of private profit, the writers asked leave to retire
from the state council. Neither their reputation, they said, nor the
interests of the royal service would permit them to act with the
Cardinal. They professed themselves dutiful subjects and Catholic
vassals. Had it not been for the zeal of the leading seigniors, the
nobility, and other well-disposed persons, affairs would not at that
moment be so tranquil; the common people having been so much injured, and
the manner of life pursued by the Cardinal not being calculated to give
more satisfaction than was afforded by his unlimited authority. In
conclusion, the writers begged his Majesty not to throw the blame upon
them, if mischance should follow the neglect of this warning. This
memorable letter was signed by Guillaume, de Nassau, Lamoral d'Egmont,
and Philippes de Montmorency (Count Horn). It was despatched undercover
to Charles de Tisnacq, a Belgian, and procurator for the affairs of the
Netherlands at Madrid, a man whose relations with Count Egmont were of a
friendly character. It was impossible, however, to keep the matter a
secret from the person most interested. The Cardinal wrote to the King
the day before the letter was written, and many weeks before it was sent,
to apprize him that it was coming, and to instruct him as to the answer
he was to make. Nearly all the leading nobles and governors had adhered
to the substance of the letter, save the Duke of Aerschot, Count
Aremberg, and Baron Berlaymont. The Duke and Count had refused to join
the league; violent scenes having occurred upon the subject between them
and the leaders of the opposition party. Egmont, being with a large
shooting party at Aerschot's country place, Beaumont, had taken occasion
to urge the Duke to join in the general demonstration against the
Cardinal, arguing the matter in the rough, off-hand, reckless manner
which was habitual with him. His arguments offended the nobleman thus
addressed, who was vain and irascible. He replied by affirming that he
was a friend to Egmont, but would not have him for his master. He would
have nothing to do, he said, with their league against the Cardinal, who
had never given him cause of enmity. He had no disposition to dictate to
the King as to his choice of ministers, and his Majesty was quite right
to select his servants at his own pleasure. The Duke added that if the
seigniors did not wish him for a friend, it was a matter of indifference
to him. Not one of them was his superior; he had as large a band of
noble followers and friends as the best of them, and he had no
disposition to accept the supremacy of any nobleman in the land.
The conversation carried on in this key soon became a quarrel, and from
words the two gentlemen would soon have come to blows, but for the
interposition of Aremberg and Robles, who were present at the scene. The
Duchess of Parma, narrating the occurrence to the King, added that a duel
had been the expected result of the affair, but that the two nobles had
eventually been reconciled. It was characteristic of Aerschot that he
continued afterward to associate with the nobles upon friendly terms,
while maintaining an increased intimacy with the Cardinal.

The gentlemen who sent the letter were annoyed at the premature publicity
which it seemed to have attained. Orange had in vain solicited Count
Aremberg to join the league, and had quarrelled with him in consequence.
Egmont, in the presence of Madame de Parma, openly charged Aremberg with
having divulged the secret which had been confided to him. The Count
fiercely denied that he had uttered a syllable on the subject to a human
being; but added that any communication on his part would have been quite
superfluous, while Egmont and his friends were daily boasting of what
they were to accomplish. Egmont reiterated the charge of a breach of
faith by Aremberg. That nobleman replied by laying his hand upon his
sword, denouncing as liars all persons who should dare to charge him
again with such an offence, and offering to fight out the quarrel upon
the instant. Here, again, personal combat was, with much difficulty,
averted.

Egmont, rude, reckless, and indiscreet, was already making manifest that
he was more at home on a battle-field than in a political controversy
where prudence and knowledge of human nature were as requisite as
courage. He was at this period more liberal in his sentiments than at
any moment of his life. Inflamed by his hatred of Granvelle, and
determined to compass the overthrow of that minister, he conversed freely
with all kinds of people, sought popularity among the burghers, and
descanted to every one with much imprudence upon the necessity of union
for the sake of liberty and the national good. The Regent, while
faithfully recording in her despatches every thing of this nature which
reached her ears, expressed her astonishment at Egmont's course, because,
as she had often taken occasion to inform the King, she had always
considered the Count most sincerely attached to his Majesty's service.

Berlaymont, the only other noble of prominence who did not approve the
11th of March letter, was at this period attempting to "swim in two
waters," and, as usual in such cases, found it very difficult to keep
himself afloat. He had refused to join the league, but he stood aloof
from Granvelle. On a hope held out by the seigniors that his son should
be made Bishop of Liege, he had ceased during a whole year from visiting
the Cardinal, and had never spoken to him at the council-board.
Granvelle, in narrating these circumstances to the King, expressed the
opinion that Berlaymont, by thus attempting to please both parties, had
thoroughly discredited himself with both.

The famous epistle, although a most reasonable and manly statement of an
incontrovertible fact, was nevertheless a document which it required much
boldness to sign. The minister at that moment seemed omnipotent, and it
was obvious that the King was determined upon a course of political and
religious absolutism. It is, therefore, not surprising that, although
many sustained its principles, few were willing to affix their names to a
paper which might prove a death-warrant to the signers. Even Montigny
and Berghen, although they had been active in conducting the whole cabal,
if cabal it could be called, refused to subscribe the letter. Egmont and
Horn were men of reckless daring, but they were not keen-sighted enough
to perceive fully the consequences of their acts.

Orange was often accused by his enemies of timidity, but no man ever
doubted his profound capacity to look quite through the deeds of men.
His political foresight enabled him to measure the dangerous precipice
which they were deliberately approaching, while the abyss might perhaps
be shrouded to the vision of his companions. He was too tranquil of
nature to be hurried, by passions into a grave political step, which in
cooler moments he might regret. He resolutely, therefore, and with his
eyes open, placed himself in open and recorded enmity with the most
powerful and dangerous man in the whole Spanish realm, and incurred the
resentment of a King who never forgave. It may be safely averred that as
much courage was requisite thus to confront a cold and malignant
despotism, and to maintain afterwards, without flinching, during a whole
lifetime, the cause of national rights and liberty of conscience, as to
head the most brilliant charge of cavalry that ever made hero famous.

Philip answered the letter of the three nobles on the 6th June following.
In this reply, which was brief, he acknowledged the zeal and affection by
which the writers had been actuated. He suggested, nevertheless, that,
as they had mentioned no particular cause for adopting the advice
contained in their letter, it would be better that one of them should
come to Madrid to confer with him. Such matters, he said, could be
better treated by word of mouth. He might thus receive sufficient
information to enable him to form a decision, for, said he in conclusion,
it was not his custom to aggrieve any of his ministers without cause.

This was a fine phrase, but under the circumstances of its application,
quite ridiculous. There was no question of aggrieving the minister.
The letter of the three nobles was very simple. It consisted of a fact
and a deduction. The fact stated was, that the Cardinal was odious to
all classes of the nation. The deduction drawn was, that the government
could no longer be carried on by him without imminent danger of ruinous
convulsions. The fact was indisputable. The person most interested
confirmed it in his private letters. "'Tis said," wrote Granvelle to
Philip, "that grandees, nobles, and people, all abhor me, nor am I
surprised to find that grandees, nobles, and people are all openly
against me, since each and all have been invited to join in the league."
The Cardinal's reasons for the existence of the unpopularity, which he
admitted to the full, have no bearing upon the point in the letter. The
fact was relied upon to sustain a simple, although a momentous inference.
It was for Philip to decide upon the propriety of the deduction, and to
abide by the consequences of his resolution when taken. As usual,
however, the monarch was not capable of making up his mind. He knew
very well that the Cardinal was odious and infamous, because he was the
willing impersonation of the royal policy. Philip was, therefore,
logically called upon to abandon the policy or to sustain the minister.
He could make up his mind to do neither the one nor the other. In the
mean time a well-turned period of mock magnanimity had been furnished
him. This he accordingly transmitted as his first answer to a most
important communication upon a subject which, in the words of the
writers, "admitted neither of dissimulation nor delay." To deprive
Philip of dissimulation and delay, however, was to take away his all.
They were the two weapons with which he fought his long life's battle.
They summed up the whole of his intellectual resources. It was
inevitable, therefore, that he should at once have recourse to both
on such an emergency as the present one.

At the same time that he sent his answer to the nobles, he wrote an
explanatory letter to the Regent. He informed her that he had received
the communication of the three seigniors, but instructed her that she was
to appear to know nothing of the matter until Egmont should speak to her
upon the subject. He added that, although he had signified his wish to
the three nobles, that one of them, without specifying which, should come
to Madrid, he in reality desired that Egmont, who seemed the most
tractable of the three, should be the one deputed. The King added, that
his object was to divide the nobles, and to gain time.

It was certainly superfluous upon Philip's part to inform his sister that
his object was to gain time. Procrastination was always his first
refuge, as if the march of the world's events would pause indefinitely
while he sat in his cabinet and pondered. It was, however, sufficiently
puerile to recommend to his sister an affectation of ignorance on a
subject concerning which nobles had wrangled, and almost drawn their
swords in her presence. This, however, was the King's statesmanship when
left to his unaided exertions. Granvelle, who was both Philip and
Margaret when either had to address or to respond to the world at large,
did not always find it necessary to regulate the correspondence of his
puppets between themselves. In order more fully to divide the nobles,
the King also transmitted to Egmont a private note, in his own
handwriting, expressing his desire that he should visit Spain in
person, that they might confer together upon the whole subject.

These letters, as might be supposed, produced any thing but a
satisfactory effect. The discontent and rage of the gentlemen who had
written or sustained the 11th of March communication, was much increased.
The answer was, in truth, no answer at all. "'Tis a cold and bad reply,"
wrote Louis of Nassau, "to send after so long a delay. 'Tis easy to see
that the letter came from the Cardinal's smithy. In summa it is a vile
business, if the gentlemen are all to be governed by one person. I hope
to God his power will come soon to an end. Nevertheless," added Louis,
"the gentlemen are all wide awake, for they trust the red fellow not a
bit more than he deserves."

The reader has already seen that the letter was indeed "from the
Cardinal's smithy," Granvelle having instructed his master how to reply
to the seigniors before the communication had been despatched.

The Duchess wrote immediately to inform her brother that Egmont had
expressed himself willing enough to go to Spain, but had added that he
must first consult Orange and Horn. As soon as that step had been taken,
she had been informed that it was necessary for them to advise with all
the gentlemen who had sanctioned their letter. The Duchess had then
tried in vain to prevent such an assembly, but finding that, even if
forbidden, it would still take place, she had permitted the meeting in
Brussels, as she could better penetrate into their proceedings there,
than if it should be held at a distance. She added, that she should soon
send her secretary Armenteros to Spain, that the King might be thoroughly
acquainted with what was occurring.

Egmont soon afterwards wrote to Philip, declining to visit Spain
expressly on account of the Cardinal. He added, that he was ready to
undertake the journey, should the King command his presence for any other
object. The same decision was formally communicated to the Regent by
those Chevaliers of the Fleece who had approved the 11th of March letter
--Montigny; Berghen, Meghem, Mansfeld, Ligne, Hoogstraaten, Orange,
Egmont, and Horn. The Prince of Orange, speaking in the name of all,
informed her that they did not consider it consistent with their
reputation, nor with the interest of his Majesty, that any one of them
should make so long and troublesome a journey, in order to accuse the
Cardinal. For any other purpose, they all held themselves ready to go to
Spain at once. The Duchess expressed her regret at this resolution. The
Prince replied by affirming that, in all their proceedings, they had been
governed, not by hatred of Granvelle but by a sense of duty to his
Majesty. It was now, he added, for the King to pursue what course it
pleased him.

Four days after this interview with the Regent, Orange, Egmont, and Horn
addressed a second letter to the King. In this communication they stated
that they had consulted with all the gentlemen with whose approbation
their first letter had been written. As to the journey of one of them to
Spain,--as suggested, they pronounced it very dangerous for any seignior
to absent himself, in the condition of affairs which then existed.
It was not a sufficient cause to go thither on account of Granvelle.
They disclaimed any intention of making themselves parties to a process
against the Cardinal. They had thought that their simple, brief
announcement would have sufficed to induce his Majesty to employ that
personage in other places, where his talents would be more fruitful.
As to "aggrieving the Cardinal without cause," there was no question of
aggrieving him at all, but of relieving him of an office which could not
remain in his hands without disaster. As to "no particular cause having
been mentioned," they said the omission was from no lack of many such.
They had charged none, however, because, from their past services and
their fidelity to his Majesty, they expected to be believed on their
honor, without further witnesses or evidence. They had no intention of
making themselves accusers. They had purposely abstained from
specifications. If his Majesty should proceed to ampler information,
causes enough would be found. It was better, however, that they should
be furnished by others than by themselves. His Majesty would then find
that the public and general complaint was not without adequate motives.
They renewed their prayer to be excused from serving in the council of
state, in order that they might not be afterwards inculpated for the
faults of others. Feeling that the controversy between themselves and
the Cardinal de Granvelle in the state council produced no fruit for his
Majesty's affairs, they preferred to yield to him. In conclusion, they
begged the King to excuse the simplicity of their letters, the rather
that they were not by nature great orators, but more accustomed to do
well than to speak well, which was also more becoming to persons of their
quality.

On the 4th of August, Count Horn also addressed a private letter to the
King, written in the same spirit as that which characterized the joint
letter just cited. He assured his Majesty that the Cardinal could render
no valuable service to the crown on account of the hatred which the whole
nation bore him, but that, as far as regarded the maintenance of the
ancient religion, all the nobles were willing to do their duty.

The Regent now despatched, according to promise, her private secretary,
Thomas de Armenteros, to Spain. His instructions, which were very
elaborate, showed that Granvelle was not mistaken when he charged her
with being entirely changed in regard to him, and when he addressed her
a reproachful letter, protesting his astonishment that his conduct had
become auspicious, and his inability to divine the cause of the weariness
and dissatisfaction which she manifested in regard to him.

Armenteros, a man of low, mercenary, and deceitful character, but a
favorite of the Regent, and already beginning to acquire that influence
over her mind which was soon to become so predominant, was no friend of
the Cardinal. It was not probable that he would diminish the effect of
that vague censure mingled with faint commendation, which characterized
Margaret's instructions by any laudatory suggestions of his own. He was
directed to speak in general terms of the advance of heresy, and the
increasing penury of the exchequer. He was to request two hundred
thousand crowns toward the lottery, which the Regent proposed to set up
as a financial scheme. He was to represent that the Duchess had tried,
unsuccessfully, every conceivable means of accommodating the quarrel
between the Cardinal and the seigniors. She recognized Granvelle's great
capacity, experience, zeal, and devotion--for all which qualities she
made much of him--while on the other hand she felt that it would be a
great inconvenience, and might cause a revolt of the country, were she to
retain him in the Netherlands against the will of the seigniors. These
motives had compelled her, the messenger was to add, to place both views
of the subject before the eyes of the King. Armenteros was, furthermore,
to narrate the circumstances of the interviews which had recently taken
place between herself and the leaders of the opposition party.

From the tenor of these instructions, it was sufficiently obvious that
Margaret of Parma was not anxious to retain the Cardinal, but that, on
the contrary, she was beginning already to feel alarm at the dangerous
position in which she found herself. A few days after the three nobles
had despatched their last letter to the King, they had handed her a
formal remonstrance. In this document they stated their conviction that
the country was on the high road to ruin, both as regarded his Majesty's
service and the common weal. The bare, the popular discontent daily
increasing, the fortresses on the frontier in a dilapidated condition.
It was to be apprehended daily that merchants and other inhabitants of
the provinces would be arrested in foreign countries, to satisfy the
debts owed by his Majesty. To provide against all these evils, but one
course, it was suggested, remained to the government--to summon the
states-general, and to rely upon their counsel and support. The nobles,
however, forbore to press this point, by reason of the prohibition which
the Regent had received from the King. They suggested, however, that
such an interdiction could have been dictated only by a distrust created
between his Majesty and the estates by persons having no love for either,
and who were determined to leave no resource by which the distress of the
country could be prevented. The nobles, therefore, begged her highness
not to take it amiss if, so long as the King was indisposed to make other
arrangements for the administration of the provinces, they should abstain
from appearing at the state council. They preferred to cause the shadow
at last to disappear, which they had so long personated. In conclusion,
however, they expressed their determination to do their duty in their
several governments, and to serve the Regent to the best of their
abilities.

After this remonstrance had been delivered, the Prince of Orange, Count
Horn, and Count Egmont abstained entirely from the sessions of the state
council. She was left alone with the Cardinal, whom she already hated,
and with his two shadows, Viglius and Berlaymont.

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