Books: The Life of Abraham Lincoln

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The manifest reference here is to the co-workers for the extension of
slavery: namely, Stephen A. Douglas, Franklin Pierce, Roger B. Taney,
and James Buchanan. One of this number, Franklin, had fallen into
welcome oblivion; James had escorted Lincoln to the platform; Stephen
stood immediately behind him, alert to show him any courtesy; and
Roger, as Chief Justice, was about to administer the oath of office. It
was a rare case of poetic justice.

Lincoln was introduced to the vast audience by his former neighbor, E.
D. Baker, at this time senator from Oregon. In one hand Lincoln had his
silk hat, and as he looked about for a place to put it, his old
antagonist, Douglas, took it. To a lady he whispered: "If I can't be
President, I can at least hold the President's hat."

The inaugural address had been submitted confidentially to a few
trusted friends for criticism. The only criticisms of importance were
those of Seward. By these Lincoln was guided but not governed. A
perusal of the documents will show that, while Seward's suggestions
were unquestionably good, Lincoln's finished product was far better.
This is specifically true of the closing paragraph, which has been
widely admired for its great beauty. From the remarkable address we
quote only two passages. In the first he meets the charge that he would
involve the country in war. It is as follows:

"I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon
me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the
states. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I
shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my
rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition,
or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will
not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the
Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

"In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall
be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. _The power
confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property
and places belonging to the government, and collect the duties and
imposts._ But beyond what may be necessary for these objects there
will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people
anywhere."

Concerning the clause above italicised there was a general
questioning,--Does he mean what he says? In due time they learned that
he meant what he said, and all of it.

The address concluded as follows:

"In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is
the momentous issue of civil war. The government will not assail you.
You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You
have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I
shall have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend' it.

"I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break, our bonds
of affection. The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-
field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over
this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again
touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

The address was listened to closely throughout. Immediately upon its
conclusion the speaker was sworn into office by Chief Justice Taney
whose name is connected with the famous Dred Scott decision. James
Buchanan was now a private citizen and the pioneer rail-splitter was at
the head of the United States.

In all the thousands of people there assembled, there was no one who
listened more intently than Stephen A. Douglas. At the conclusion he
warmly grasped the President hand's, congratulated him upon the
inaugural, and pledged him that he would stand by him and support him
in upholding the Constitution and enforcing the laws. The nobler part
of the nature of the "little giant" came to the surface. The clearness,
the gentleness, the magnanimity, the manliness expressed in this
inaugural address of his old rival, won him over at last, and he
pledged him here his fealty. For a few months, while the storm was
brewing, Douglas was inactive, so that his influence counted on the
side of the hostile party, the party to which he had always belonged.
But when war actually broke out, he hastened to stand by the President,
and right nobly did he redeem his promise which he had given. Had he
lived, there are few men whose influence would have been more weighty
in the cause of the Union. An untimely death cut him off at the
beginning of this patriotic activity. His last public act was to
address to the legislature of Illinois a masterly plea for the support
of the war for the Union. He died in Chicago on the 3d of June, 1861.

CHAPTER XXIII.

LINCOLN HIS OWN PRESIDENT.

Had the question been asked early in 1861, Who will be the real force
of the republican administration? almost every unprejudiced observer
would have answered promptly, Seward. He was a man of unusual
intellectual powers, of the best education, and of the finest culture.
In regard to the moral aspects of politics, he was on the right side.
He had a career of brilliant success extending over thirty years of
practical experience. He had been governor of the Empire State, and one
of the leading members of the United States senate. He was the most
accomplished diplomatist of the day.

In marked contrast was the President-elect. He had, in his encounters
with Douglas, shown himself a master of debate. But his actual
experience of administration was practically _nil_. He had served
a few years in a frontier legislature and one term in the lower house
of congress. Only this and nothing more. His record as representative
may be summarized as follows:

1 comic speech on General Cass.

1 set of humorous resolutions, known as the spot resolutions.

1 bill in reference to slavery in the District of Columbia, which
bill failed to pass.

There was thus no comparison between the careers of the two men.
Seward's friends, and Seward himself, assumed as a self-evident truth,
that "where Seward sits is the head of the table." Lincoln did not
assent to this proposition.

He considered himself President and head of the cabinet. How the matter
came out will appear later in the chapter.

The selection of a cabinet was a difficult and delicate task. It must
be remembered that Lincoln confronted a solid South, backed by a
divided North. It has already been said that in fifteen states he
received not a single electoral vote, and in ten of these not a single
popular vote. That was the solid South.

The divided condition of the North may be inferred from the following
letter, written by ex-President Franklin Pierce to Jefferson Davis
under date of January 6, 1860:

"If, through the madness of Northern abolitionists, that dire calamity
[the disruption of the Union] must come, the fighting will not be along
Mason and Dixon's line merely. It will be _within our own borders, in
our own streets_, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have
referred. Those who defy law, and scout constitutional obligation,
will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough
at home."

It is plain that unless Lincoln could, in a large measure, unite the
various classes of the North, his utter failure would be a foregone
conclusion. He saw this with perfect clearness. His first move was in
the selection of his cabinet. These selections were taken not only from
the various geographical divisions of the country, but also from the
divers political divisions of the party. It was not his purpose to have
the secretaries simply echoes of himself, but able and representative
men of various types of political opinion. At the outset this did not
meet the approval of his friends. Later, its wisdom was apparent. In
the more than a hundred years of cabinets in the history of the United
States there has never been an abler or a purer cabinet than this.

As guesses, more or less accurate, were made as to what the cabinet
would be, many "leading citizens" felt called on to labor with the
President and show him the error of his ways. As late as March 2d there
was an outbreak against Chase. A self-appointed committee, large in
numbers and respectable in position, called on Lincoln to protest
vigorously. He heard them with undivided attention. When they were
through he replied. In voice of sorrow and disappointment, he said, in
substance: "I had written out my choice and selection of members for
the cabinet after most careful and deliberate consideration; and now
you are here to tell me I must break the slate and begin the thing all
over again. I don't like your list as well as mine. I had hoped to have
Mr. Seward as Secretary of State and Mr. Chase as Secretary of the
Treasury. But of course I can't expect to have things just as I want
them.... This being the case, gentlemen, how would it do for us to
agree to a change like this? To appoint Mr. Chase Secretary of the
Treasury, and offer the State department to Mr. Dayton of New Jersey?

"Mr. Dayton is an old whig, like Mr. Seward and myself. Besides, he is
from New Jersey, which is next door to New York. Then Mr. Seward can go
to England, where his genius will find wonderful scope in keeping
Europe straight about our troubles."

The "committee" were astounded. They saw their mistake in meddling in
matters they did not understand. They were glad enough to back out of
the awkward situation. Mr. Lincoln "took _that_ trick."

The names sent on March 5th were: for Secretary of State, William H.
Seward, of New York; for Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase, of
Ohio; for Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; for
Secretary of the Navy, Gideon Welles, of Connecticut; for Secretary of
the Interior, Caleb B. Smith of Indiana; for Attorney-General, Edward
Bates, of Missouri; for Postmaster-General, Montgomery Blair, of
Maryland.

All these names were confirmed by the senate the next day, March 6th.
Of the variety of the selection he said, "I need them all. They enjoy
the confidence of their several states and sections, and they will
strengthen the administration. The times are too grave and perilous for
ambitious schemes and rivalries." To all who were associated with him
in the government, he said, "Let us forget ourselves and join hands,
like brothers, to save the republic. If we succeed, there will be glory
enough for all." He playfully spoke of this cabinet as his happy
family.

The only one who withdrew early from this number, was Cameron. He was
accused of various forms of corruption, especially of giving fat
government contracts to his friends. Whether these charges were true or
not, we cannot say. But in the following January he resigned and was
succeeded by Edwin M. Stanton, a lifelong democrat, one who had
accepted office under Buchanan. Probably no person was more amazed at
this choice than Stanton himself. But he patriotically accepted the
call of duty. With unspeakable loyalty and devotion he served his chief
and his country to the end.

As has already been indicated, Seward cheerfully assumed that he was
the government, while Lincoln's duties were to consist largely in
signing such papers as he instructed him to sign. As difficulties grew
fast and thick, he wrote home, "These cares fall chiefly on me." Mr.
Welles wrote that confidence and mutual frankness existed among all the
members of the cabinet, "with the exception of Mr. Seward, who had, or
affected, a mysterious knowledge which he was not prepared to impart."
He went so far as to meddle with the affairs of his associates. He did
not entirely approve of the cabinet meetings and served notice that he
would attend only upon special summons of the President.

This condition reached its climax on the first day of April, an
appropriate date. Seward addressed on that day a document entitled,
"Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration, April 1, 1861."

Henry Watterson said that Seward could not have spoken more explicitly
and hardly more offensively if he had simply said: "Mr. Lincoln, you
are a failure as President, but turn over the direction of affairs
exclusively to me, and all shall be well and all be forgiven." This
statement gives a fair and truthful idea of Seward's letter. It is not
likely that its amazing assurance has ever been equaled in any nation
by "thoughts" addressed by an inferior officer to his chief. The paper
itself is here omitted from lack of space, but its tenor can be guessed
from the character of the reply, which is given in full:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 1, 1881.

"HON. W. H. SEWARD,

"MY DEAR SIR: Since parting with you I have been considering your paper
dated this day, and entitled 'Some Thoughts for the President's
Consideration.' The first proposition in it is, 'First, We are at the
end of a month's administration, and yet without a policy either
domestic or foreign.'"

"At the beginning of that month, in the inaugural, I said, 'The power
confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property
and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and
imposts.' This had your distinct approval at the time; and, taken in
connection with the order I immediately gave General Scott, directing
him to employ every means in his power to strengthen and hold the
forts, comprises the exact domestic policy you now urge, with the
single exception that it does not propose to abandon Fort Sumter."

"Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement of Fort Sumter would be
done on a slavery or party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be
on a more national and patriotic one."

"The news received yesterday in regard to St. Domingo certainly brings
a new item within the range of our foreign policy; but up to that time
we have been preparing circulars and instructions to ministers and the
like, all in perfect harmony, without even a suggestion that we had no
foreign policy."

"Upon your closing propositions that 'whatever policy we adopt, there
must be an energetic prosecution of it,"

"'For this purpose it must be somebody's business to pursue and direct
it incessantly,"

"'Either the President must do it himself, and be all the while active
in it, or"

"'Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. Once adopted, debates on it
must end, and all agree and abide.'"

"I remark that if this must be done, I must do it. When a general line
of policy is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its being
changed without good reason or continuing to be a subject of
unnecessary debate; still, upon points arising in its progress I wish,
and suppose, I am entitled to have the advice of all the cabinet."

"Your ob't serv't,
A. LINCOLN."

The courtesy, the convincing logic, the spirit of forbearance shown in
this letter, were characteristic of the man at the helm. It need hardly
be said that Seward never again tried the experiment of patronizing his
chief. He saw a great light. He suddenly realized that these cares did
not fall chiefly on him.

So far as is known, neither gentleman ever made any reference to this
correspondence. The result was worth while. It bound Seward to his
President with hoops of steel. For four long, weary, trying years he
served his chief with a loyal devotion which did credit to both men.
Thus the hallucination that he was premier was forever dispelled. The
"Public Man" wrote: "There can be no doubt of it any longer. This man
from Illinois is not in the hands of Mr. Seward."

There was surely no doubt of it. Lincoln was President. In the
councils, the place where Lincoln sat was the head of the table. Seward
was his secretary. And a good secretary he was, as well as a true man.

CHAPTER XXIV.

FORT SUMTER.

The events connected with the fall of Fort Sumter were so dramatic that
that name is in memory linked with, and stands for, the opening of the
war. The fort was not a large military structure. The number of men
defending it was not great. But the events connected with it were
great. It stood as the representative of great principles and facts.
The firing on it marked an epoch in the same sense as Caesar's crossing
the Rubicon. It is vitally connected with events that precede and
follow.

Wendell Phillips says that when Charles Sumner entered the senate, free
speech could hardly be said to exist there. To him, as much as to any
man, was due the breaking of the chain that fettered free speech. On
all important subjects he spoke his mind eloquently and in words that
were not ambiguous. In August, 1852, he made a speech--the more
accurate phrase would be, he delivered an oration--under the title,
"Freedom National, Slavery Sectional." It may easily be guessed that
this highly incensed the slave power and the fire-eaters never outgrew
their hatred of the Massachusetts senator.

In May, 1856, he delivered an excoriating address upon "the Crime
against Kansas." This greatly angered the southern congressmen. After
the senate had adjourned, Sumner was seated at his desk writing.
Preston S. Brooks, of South Carolina, approached from the rear and with
a heavy cane began to beat Sumner on the head. He was not only
defenseless, but, though a powerful man in body, was to a certain
extent held down by his desk, and it was only as he wrenched the desk
from the floor that he was able to rise. The beating had been terrible
and Sumner suffered from it, often with the most excruciating pains,
until the day of his death. This ruffian attack was by a large portion
of the North looked on as an exhibition of southern chivalry, so
called, and not entirely without reason as the sequel showed. Congress
censured Brooks _by a divided vote_. He resigned but was reelected
by his constituents with great enthusiasm. Thus his act was by them
adopted as representative of their spirit and temper. This was his
"vindication."

South Carolina was the first state to secede, and since Fort Sumter
commanded Charleston Harbor, it instantly became the focus of national
interest. The Secretary of War, Floyd, had so dispersed the little army
of the United States that it was impossible to command the few hundred
men necessary adequately to garrison the United States forts. As
matters in and about Charleston grew threatening, Major Anderson, who
was in command of the twin forts, Moultrie and Sumter, decided to
abandon the former and do his utmost to defend the latter. The removal
was successfully accomplished in the night, and when the fact was
discovered it was greeted by the South Carolinians with a howl of
baffled wrath. Buchanan had endeavored to send provisions. The steamer,
_Star of the West_, had gone there for that purpose, but had been
fired on by the South Carolinians and forced to abandon the attempt.

When Lincoln took the government at Washington, it may well be believed
that he found matters in a condition decidedly chaotic. His task was
many sided, a greater task than that of Washington as he had justly
said. First, of the fifteen slave states seven had seceded. It was his
purpose to hold the remaining eight, or as many of them as possible. Of
this number, Delaware and Maryland could have been held by force.
Kentucky and Missouri, though slave states, remained in the Union. The
Union party in Tennessee, under the lead of Andrew Johnson, made a
strong fight against secession, but failed to prevent the ordinance.

The next task of Lincoln was to unite the North as far as possible. The
difficulty of doing this has already been set forth. On the other hand
there was in the North a sentiment that had been overlooked. It was
devotion to the flag. Benjamin F. Butler, though an ardent democrat,
had cautioned his southern brethren that while they might count on a
large pro-slavery vote in the North, war was a different matter. The
moment you fire on the flag, he said, you unite the North; and if war
comes, slavery goes.

Not the least task of the President was in dealing with foreign
nations. The sympathies of these, especially England and France, were
ardently with the South. They would eagerly grasp at the slightest
excuse for acknowledging the Southern Confederacy as an independent
nation. It was a delicate and difficult matter so to guide affairs that
the desired excuse for this could not be found.

The tactics of the southerners were exceedingly exasperating. They kept
"envoys" in Washington to treat with the government. Of course these
were not officially received. Lincoln sent them a copy of his inaugural
address as containing a sufficient answer to their questions. But they
stayed on, trying to spy out the secrets of the government, trying to
get some sort of a pledge of conciliation from the administration, or,
what would equally serve the purpose, to exasperate the administration
into some unguarded word or act. Their attempts were a flat failure.

Lincoln held steadily to the two promises of his inaugural. First, that
he would hold the United States forts, and second, that he would not be
the aggressor. "In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and
not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government will
not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the
aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the
government; while I have the most solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and
defend' it."

To this plan he adhered. It there was to be war it must be begun by the
enemies of the country, and the government would patiently bear
outrages rather than do a thing which could be tortured into an
appearance of 'invading the South' or being an aggressor of any sort.

Meanwhile, Major Anderson was beleaguered in Fort Sumter. He had a
handful of men, 76 combatants and 128 all told. He had insufficient
ammunition and was nearly out of provisions. Lincoln at last concluded
to "send bread to Sumter,"--surely not a hostile act. Owing to
complications which he inherited from Buchanan's administration he had
given to Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, a promise that he would
not attempt to relieve Sumter without first giving him notice. He now
sent him notice that there would be an attempt to provision Sumter
peaceably if possible, or otherwise by force.

All this while the southerners were busy perfecting their
fortifications, which were now overwhelmingly better, both in number
and in completeness of appointment, than the one fort held by the
United States that rightfully controlled the entire harbor. General
Beauregard was in command of the military forces. He sent to Major
Anderson a summons to surrender. The latter replied that if he received
from Washington no further direction, and if he was not succored by the
15th of the month, April, he would surrender on honorable terms. It is
characteristic of the southern general that he intercepted Major
Anderson's mail before notifying him of hostilities. It is
characteristic of Lincoln that he sent notice to Governor Pickens of
the intended provision of the fort.

On Friday, April 12th, 1861, at 3:30 P. M., General Beauregard gave
notice to Major Anderson that he would open fire on Fort Sumter in one
hour. Promptly at the minute the first gun was fired and the war had
begun. Batteries from various points poured shot and shell into Sumter
until nightfall caused a respite.

The little garrison sat up half the night after the attack, as they had
done the preceding night, and with their six needles, all they had,
made cartridges out of old blankets, old clothing, and whatever else
they could lay hands on. These one hundred and twenty-eight men made
all the defense that could be made under the circumstances.

The next day the officer's quarters were set on fire either by an
exploding shell or by hot shot. The men fought the flames gallantly,
but the wind was unfavorable. Then the water tanks were destroyed. As
the flames approached the magazine, the powder had to be removed. As
the flames approached the places where the powder was newly stored, it
had to be thrown into the sea to prevent explosion. In the mean time
the stars and stripes were floating gloriously. The flag pole had been
struck seven times on Friday. It was struck three times the next day.
The tenth shot did the work, the pole broke and the flag fell to the
ground at one o'clock Saturday afternoon. An officer and some men
seized the flag, rigged up a jury-mast on the parapet, and soon it was
flying again.

But ammunition was gone, the fire was not extinguished, and there was
no hope of relief. Negotiations were opened and terms of surrender were
arranged by eight o'clock that evening. The next day, Sunday, April
14th, the garrison saluted the flag as it was lowered, and then marched
out, prisoners of war. Sumter had fallen.

Beauregard was a military man, Lincoln was a statesman. The general got
the fort, the President got nearly everything else. The war was on and
it had been begun by the South. The administration had not invaded or
threatened invasion, but the South had fired on the flag. Dearly they
paid for this crime.

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