Books: The Life of Abraham Lincoln

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Miss Tarbell has recorded a conversation between Lincoln and his friend
Judge Gillespie, which took place in Springfield early in January, in
which the former expressed his feelings upon the situation.
"Gillespie," said he, "I would willingly take out of my life a period
in years equal to the two months which intervene between now and the
inauguration, to take the oath of office now."

"Why?"

"Because every hour adds to the difficulties I am called upon to meet
and the present administration does nothing to check the tendency
towards dissolution. I, who have been called to meet this awful
responsibility, am compelled to remain here, doing nothing to avert it
or lessen its force when it comes to me.... Every day adds to the
situation and makes the outlook more gloomy. Secession is being
fostered rather than repressed.... I have read, upon my knees, the
story of Gethsemane, where the Son of God prayed in vain that the cup
of bitterness might pass from him. I am in the garden of Gethsemane
now, and my cup of bitterness is full to overflowing" (Tarbell, "Life
of Lincoln," II., 406).

It was indeed hard to keep his patience and self-control. He was
importuned for expressions of his views, for messages conciliatory to
the South, for some kind of a proclamation which might quiet the public
feeling. But he saw clearly that anything he might say at that time, no
matter how wise or conciliatory, would surely be misused as fuel to add
to the flames. While therefore he talked and wrote freely to his
friends, he made no public announcement. He merely referred to his
record. His opinions had been fully expressed in the debates with
Douglas and in other speeches. There were four important points as to
his future policy. The Union should be preserved, the Constitution
should be upheld, and the fugitive slave law (being a law) should be
enforced, but slavery should not be extended. These fully covered all
the necessary points of the subject, and beyond these he would not go.
He who would control others must first control himself. It is hard to
imagine a more severe test than this imposed on Lincoln during this
period of waiting. He made his preparations in silence, and not an
injudicious word escaped him. He left his home for Washington the 11th
day of February, but though he made several speeches on the way, he did
not outline his policy until he read his inaugural address on the 4th
of March.

CHAPTER XXI.

JOURNEY TO WASHINGTON.

The long period of waiting approached its end. Most of the states and
cities lying between Springfield and Washington invited him officially
to visit them on his way to the capital. It was decided that he should
accept as many as possible of these invitations. This would involve a
zigzag route and require considerable time. The invitation of
Massachusetts he declined on account of the pressure of time. Maryland
was conspicuous by its omission of courtesy. Two private citizens of
Baltimore invited him to dinner. That was all.

The presidential party consisted of about a dozen, all told. They were
to leave Springfield February 11, and to consume about two weeks on the
way. It was a dreary morning, partly drizzling, and partly snowing. A
large crowd of neighbors had assembled at the dingy railway station to
bid him good-by. The process of handshaking was interrupted by the
arrival of the train. After the party had entered the car, the
President reappeared on the rear platform. He raised his hand to speak,
but did not utter a word until the solemn silence became painful. Then,
with great tenderness and seriousness, he spoke as follows:

"My friends, no one, not in my situation, can appreciate my feeling of
sadness at this parting. To this place, and the kindness of these
people, I owe everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a century, and
have passed from a young to an old man. Here my children have been
born, and one is buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever
I may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon
Washington. Without the assistance of that Divine Being who ever
attended him, I cannot succeed. With that assistance, I cannot fail.
Trusting in Him who can go with me, and remain with you, and be
everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well.
To His care commending you, as I hope in your prayers you will commend
me, I bid you an affectionate farewell."

The speech was telegraphed, with substantial accuracy all over the
country, and was read with loving sympathy by millions of loyal
citizens. The words above given are the report as revised by Lincoln
himself, and first published in the _Century_ for December, 1887.

The party was in charge of Colonel Ward Hill Lamon, afterwards Marshal
of the District of Columbia. He was a trained athlete, a Hercules in
strength, a man who knew not what fear was, and, with an enthusiasm
akin to religious zeal, he was devoted to his chief soul and body. In
the words of a later Marshal, he "worshiped every bone in his body."

A few friends had accompanied the presidential party to Indianapolis,
where the first stop was made. After the address of welcome by Governor
Morton and the response, after the speech to the legislature, after the
reception and the handshaking, they were left in quiet in the Bates
House. These friends then took Lamon into a room, locked the door, and
in the most solemn and impressive manner laid upon him the
responsibilities of guarding Lincoln's person until they should reach
Washington. The scene was concluded by Dubois with a mixture of
solemnity and playfulness, who said: "Now, Lamon, we intrust the sacred
life of Mr. Lincoln to your keeping; and if you don't protect it, never
return to Illinois, for we will murder you on sight."

Neither the exhortation nor the threat were in the least needed by
Lamon, who was thoroughly alert. But it is of interest in this, that it
indicates that there was a wide-spread feeling that this journey was
fraught with unusual dangers.

Of course Lincoln made many brief speeches. These were closely scanned
in the hope of finding some premonition of his inaugural. But not one
such word escaped him. He complained that though he had in his day done
much hard work, this was the hardest work he had ever done,--to keep
speaking without saying anything. It was not quite true that he did not
say anything, for the speeches were thoughtful and full of interest.
But he did not anticipate his inaugural, and to that the popular
curiosity was alive. He did not say the things that were uppermost in
his mind.

At Indianapolis he asked pregnant questions: "What, then, is
'coercion'? What is 'invasion'?... If the United States should merely
hold and retake its own forts and other property [in South Carolina
that had seceded], and collect the duties on foreign importations, or
even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually
violated, would any, or all, of these things be 'invasion' or
'coercion'?... Upon what principle, what rightful principle, may a
state, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and
population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionally
larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way? What mysterious
right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its
people, by merely calling it a state? Fellow-citizens, I am not
asserting anything. I am merely asking questions for you to consider."

At Trenton, New Jersey, historic in the annals of the revolutionary
war, he spoke with simple candor of the influence upon his life of
Weems' "Life of Washington," one of the first books he ever read. The
audience broke into cheers, loud and long, when he appealed to them to
stand by him in the discharge of his patriotic duty. "I shall
endeavor," said he, "to take the ground I deem most just to the North,
the East, the West, the South, and the whole country. I take it, I
hope, in good temper; certainly with no malice towards any section. I
shall do all that may be in my power to promote a peaceful settlement
of all our difficulties. The man does not live who is more devoted to
peace than I am, none who would do more to preserve it; but it may be
necessary to put the foot down firmly. And if I do my duty and do
right, you will sustain me, will you not?"

At Philadelphia he spoke in Independence Hall on Washington's Birthday,
and raised a flag. "Our friends," he said of it, "had provided a
magnificent flag of our country. They had arranged it so that I was
given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And when it
went up, I was pleased that it went to its place by the strength of my
own feeble arm. When, according to the arrangement, the cord was
pulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind without an accident, in
the bright glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping
that there was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at
least something of an omen of what is to come."

On this very day, President Buchanan, in Washington City, was
apologizing for permitting the American flag to be carried at the head
of a procession that was marching to celebrate the birthday of George
Washington!

It was at Philadelphia that matters became more exciting. At that place
they were informed of a plot to assassinate the President as he passed
through Baltimore. This information came to them from a variety of
sources entirely independent, and the various stories so nearly agreed
in substance that they could not be disregarded. Most important of
these informants was Allan Pinkerton of Chicago, one of the most famous
detectives in the world. He had been personally with his assistants in
Baltimore and knew the details of the plot. But Lincoln was neither
suspicious nor timid, and was therefore disinclined to pay heed to the
warnings of Pinkerton.

At about this time the son of William H. Seward met Lincoln with
confidential communications from his father. This gave other evidences
of this plot, gathered by some detectives from New York City. These two
sets of detectives had worked on the case; each party entirely ignorant
of the other. Both got specific evidence of the plot.

It was remembered, too, that since leaving Springfield ten days before,
they had had at least two escapes. The track had been tampered with in
a manifest attempt to wreck the train. A hand grenade had been found in
one of the cars. It is not likely that this deadly machine was taken on
the train merely for fun.

The members of the party were deeply concerned about the Baltimore
revelations. But it was hard to get Lincoln to take them seriously.
With difficulty was he persuaded to follow Pinkerton's plan and enter
Washington secretly. He consented to do this really out of
consideration for the judgment of others, not that he shared their
apprehension. On one thing, however, Lincoln was firm. He had made
certain appointments for speaking _en route_ which he would not
abandon. His promise had been given and would be kept. One was the
flag-raising at Philadelphia, narrated above, and the other was to
address the legislature at Harrisburg. "Both these appointments," said
he, "I will keep _if it costs me my life_." These words suggest
that he may have realized more of the danger than he was willing to
show.

There are also intimations of the same thing which will be noticed by
the careful reader of the speeches at Philadelphia and Harrisburg. In
declining to give a hint of the details of his proposed policy, he
said: "It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I shall
speak officially next Monday week, _if ever_. If I should not
speak then, it were useless for me to do so now."

Again: "If this country cannot be saved without giving up that
principle,--I was about to say that I would rather be _assassinated
on this spot_ than surrender it."

And finally: "I may have said something indiscreet. But I have said
nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of
Almighty God, _die by_."

These veiled references would pass unnoticed by the crowd, but they
would be perfectly intelligible to those who knew of the warnings that
had just been received. Lincoln was not in the habit of using such
phrases, and the fact that he used them at this particular time can
hardly be explained as a mere coincidence. He took in the situation,
and--except for keeping the engagements already made--he submitted
meekly to Pinkerton's plans.

An incident occurred at Harrisburg which made a great stir in the
little party. This was nothing less than the loss of the manuscript of
the inaugural address. This precious document the President himself had
carried in a satchel. This satchel he had given to his son Robert to
hold. When Robert was asked for it, it was missing. He "_thought_
he had given it to a waiter--or somebody." This was one of the rare
occasions on which Lincoln lost control of his temper, and for about
one minute he addressed the careless young man with great plainness of
speech.

For obvious reasons it was not judicious to say much about this loss.
The President applied to Lamon for help. "Lamon," he whispered, "I have
lost my certificate of moral character written by myself. Bob has lost
my gripsack containing my inaugural address. I want you to help me find
it."

Lamon, who knew Lincoln intimately, said that he never saw him so much
annoyed, nor, for the time, so angry. If the address were to be
published prematurely, it might be made the occasion of a vast amount
of mischief. Then, too, it was the product of much painstaking thought
and he had no duplicate copy.

Lincoln and Lamon instituted a search for the missing satchel and were
directed to the baggage-room of the hotel. Here they spied a satchel
that looked like the lost one. Lincoln tried the key. It fitted. With
great joy he opened it, and he found within--one bottle of whisky, one
soiled shirt, and several paper collars. So quickly from the sublime to
the ridiculous.

A little later the right satchel was found, and was not again entrusted
to Robert. The President kept it in his own hands. After the nervous
strain was over, the humor of the situation grew on the President, and
it reminded him of a little story.

A man had saved up his earnings until they reached the sum of fifteen
hundred dollars. This was deposited for safekeeping in a bank. The bank
failed and the man received as his share, ten per cent, or one hundred
and fifty dollars. This he deposited in another bank. The second bank
also failed and the poor fellow again received ten per cent, or fifteen
dollars. When this remnant of his fortune was paid over to him, he held
it in his hand, looking at it thoughtfully. Finally he said: "Now, I've
got you reduced to a portable shape, so I'll put you in my pocket."
Suiting the action to the word, Lincoln took his "certificate of moral
character" from the satchel and carefully put it in the inside pocket
of his vest. No further mishap came to that document.

The journey from Harrisburg to Washington was accomplished as planned,
with the assistance of certain officials of the railway and telegraph
companies. First all the wires leading out of Harrisburg were cut, so
that, if Lincoln's departure were discovered, the news could not be
communicated by telegraph. Then, after the reception, Lincoln, attended
by Lamon, left the hotel by a side door and was driven to the railway
station. Here they found waiting a special train consisting of one
baggage car and one passenger car. The track was for the time kept
entirely clear for this train. Arriving at Philadelphia they stopped
outside the station, where Pinkerton met them with a closed carriage in
readiness. They were driven rapidly across the city to the Washington
train which had been detained a few minutes for "a sick passenger and
one attendant." They entered the rear door of the sleeping car. The
"sick passenger" went to his berth at once and the attendant gave the
tickets to the conductor who did not even see the "sick passenger," and
who did not dream of what a precious life he was carrying. They arrived
at six o'clock in the morning at Washington City, where they were met
by Seward and Washburn and taken to Willard's Hotel.

The rest of the party came on schedule time. At Baltimore there was a
large crowd in waiting, but no disturbance. The news of the President's
arrival had been telegraphed over the country, and the band of
assassins were for the time helpless. Their intended victim had
escaped. There was no reason why they should create a disturbance.

Lincoln always regretted this "secret passage." He later came to
discount heavily the revelations of a professional spy. Long after, he
said: "I did not then, nor do I now, believe I should have been
assassinated had I gone through Baltimore as first contemplated, but I
thought it wise to run no risk where no risk was necessary."

It is positively asserted by Lamon, who knew whereof he spake, that
there was no time, from the moment of leaving Springfield to his death,
when Lincoln was free from danger of murder. Yet he never could be
prevailed on to accept precautions. What were the reasons for his
apparent carelessness?

It is almost certain that he realized, more than he would have his
friends know, that he was surrounded by dangers. He probably realized
this more keenly than they did. They could locate specific dangers, but
no man ever better understood the murderous spirit which underlay much
of the hatred towards this man who had never harmed a human being. He
felt that an escape from one danger might be simply running into
another more deadly. It was like dodging bullets on the field of
battle. He, better than they, realized that the unseen dangers were
greater than those which they thought they had discovered. The only
way, then, was to go straight ahead as if unmindful of all dangers.

Then, too, though Lincoln could understand dangers in the abstract, his
mind did not seem to be able to individualize them. He knew full well
that many persons wanted to kill him, but when it came to the point of
the murder being done by X, or Y, or Z, he did not believe it possible
that they would do such a thing.

These explanations are suggested. There may be others. But these two
conflicting and paradoxical facts must be kept in mind. All through his
public life he was oppressed with the belief that he would not live to
see the end of the national crisis. On the other hand, not all the
importunities of his most devoted friends could persuade him to guard
himself. In the light of what we now know, it is wonderful that he
escaped these plots for more than four years. Had he been more
cautious, he might not have escaped so long. At the same time, as we
shall presently see, had he heeded the last caution of his devoted
friend, he would not have been shot in 1865.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE INAUGURATION.

Beautiful for situation and beautiful in construction is the Washington
City of to-day. But it was not so in Lincoln's day. The proper
decoration of the city did not begin until Grant's administration. In
1861 it was comparatively a small city. Its population numbered only
about 65,000. The magnificent modern residences had not been built. The
houses were few, low, not handsome, with hideous spaces of unimproved
land lying between. The streets were not paved with asphalt. Some were
paved with cobble stones, and some consisted of plain aboriginal mud.
The dome of the Capitol was but half finished when Lincoln saw it for
the first time, and the huge derrick which surmounted it was painfully
suggestive of the gallows. The approach was not a well-kept lawn, but a
meadow of grass, ragged and ill-cared for.

Washington society was then, as always, composed of people of education
and social culture, but it was not such as would kindle the enthusiasm
of the patriot. From the time whereof the memory of man runneth not to
the contrary, it had been dominated by the slave power. The District of
Columbia is situated in a slave state. The politics of South Carolina
and Mississippi had always been aggressive, and the social leadership
had been the same. J. G. Holland estimated that not more than one in
five of the people in Washington in the winter of 1860-61 were glad to
have Lincoln come. He was not far from right. Lamon called the city "a
focus of political intrigue and corruption."

For many years, specifically since 1848, the slave power had been
masterful in Washington, while its despotic temper had grown
continually more assertive. The intellectual and moral atmosphere
became increasingly repulsive to those who believed in freedom, and
such people would not therefore choose that city as a place of
residence.

The departments were of course filled with employees in sympathy with
slavery. Pierce had been made President in 1853. The Missouri
Compromise had been repealed in 1854. Buchanan came into office in
1857. The crowning act of his administration was supporting the Kansas
infamy in 1859. From these indications it is easy to estimate the
political status of Washington society when Lincoln entered the city
February 23, 1861. Many thousands of his friends poured in from all
quarters north of Mason and Dixon's line to attend the ceremonies of
the inaugural. But these were transients, and foreign to the prevailing
sentiment of the city.

Every official courtesy, however, was shown to the President-elect. The
outgoing President and cabinet received him politely. He had many
supporters and some personal friends in both houses of congress. These
received him with enthusiasm, while his opponents were not uncivil. The
members of the Supreme Court greeted him with a measure of cordiality.
Both Douglas and Breckinridge, the defeated candidates at the late
election, called on him. The so-called Peace Conference had brought
together many men of local influence, who seized the opportunity of
making his acquaintance. So the few days passed busily as the time for
inauguration approached.

Of course anxiety and even excitement were not unknown. One instance is
enough to relate here. Arrangements were about concluded for the
cabinet appointments. The most important selection was for the
Secretary of State. This position had been tendered to Seward months
before and had by him been accepted. The subsequent selections had been
made in view of the fact that Seward was to fill this position. On
Saturday, March 2d, while only a few hours remained before the
inaugural, Seward suddenly withdrew his promised acceptance. This
utterly upset the balancings on which Lincoln had so carefully worked
for the last four months, and was fitted to cause consternation.
Lincoln's comment was: "I can't afford to have Seward take the first
trick." So he sent him an urgent personal note on the morning of March
4th, requesting him to withdraw this refusal. Seward acceded to this
and the matter was arranged satisfactorily.

The morning of the day of the inauguration was clear, mild, beautiful.
The military display gave a bright and showy appearance to the scene.
General Scott had used the utmost care to have the arrangements for the
defense of the President perfect. There were guards about the carriage,
guards about the Capitol, a flying battery upon a commanding hill.
Besides this, sharpshooters were posted on the roofs of the houses
along the route of travel, with injunctions to watch narrowly the
windows opposite and fire upon the first manifestation of disorder. One
cannot resist the temptation to speculate upon the excitement that
would have developed had a mischievous boy set off a large fire-cracker
at a critical moment!

Shortly after twelve o'clock, noon, Buchanan called to escort his
successor to the Capitol. The retiring President and the President-
elect rode side by side through the streets. Reaching the grounds of
the Capitol they found an improvised board tunnel through which they
walked arm in arm to the building. This tunnel had been constructed to
guard against assassination, of which there had recently been many
threats. They passed through the senate chamber and through the
building to the large platform which had been erected at the east
front. The procession was headed by the justices of the Supreme Court
clothed in cap and gown.

The platform was densely packed, but in the number there were four men
of especial interest. When Lincoln had first been nominated for the
senate, at Springfield, June 16, 1858, he made the speech which came to
be known as "the house-divided-against-itself speech." One remarkable
paragraph is here quoted:

"We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the
result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers,
different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different
times and places and by different workmen--Stephen, Franklin, Roger,
and James, for instance--and when we see these timbers joined together,
and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the
tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and
proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective
places, and not a piece too many or too few--not omitting even
scaffolding--or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the
frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring the piece in--in such a
case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin
and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and
all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow
was struck."

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