Books: An introduction to the mortuary customs of the North American Indians
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H. C. Yarrow >> An introduction to the mortuary customs of the North American Indians
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"Before the dance commenced the chief of the visiting tribe made a
brief speech, in which he no doubt referred to the death of the chief
of the Yo-kai-a, and offered the sympathy of his tribe in this loss.
As he spoke, some of the women scarcely refrained from crying out, and
with difficulty they suppressed their sobs. I presume that he proposed
a few moments of mourning, for when he stopped the whole assemblage
burst forth into a bitter wailing, some screaming as if in agony. The
whole thing created such a din that I was compelled to stop my ears.
The air was rent and pierced with their cries. This wailing and
shedding of tears lasted about three or five minutes, though it seemed
to last a half hour. At a given signal they ceased, wiped their eyes,
and quieted down.
"Then preparations were made for the dance. One end of the room was
set aside for the dressing-room. The chief actors were five men, who
were muscular and agile. They were profusely decorated with paint and
feathers, while white and dark stripes covered their bodies. They were
girt about the middle with cloth of bright colors, sometimes with
variegated shawls. A feather mantle hung from the shoulder, reaching
below the knee; strings of shells ornamented the neck, while their
heads were covered with a crown of eagle feathers. They had whistles
in their mouths as they danced, swaying their heads, bending and
whirling their bodies; every muscle seemed to be exercised, and the
feather ornaments quivered with light. They were agile and graceful as
they bounded about in the sinuous course of the dance.
"The five men were assisted by a semicircle of twenty women, who only
marked time by stepping up and down with short step; they always took
their places first and disappeared first, the men making their exit
gracefully one by one. The dresses of the women were suitable for the
occasion. They were white dresses trimmed heavily with black velvet. The
stripes were about three inches wide, some plain and others edged like
saw-teeth. This was an indication of their mourning for the dead chief
in whose honor they had prepared that style of dancing. Strings of
haliotis and pachydesma shell beads encircled their necks, and around
their waists were belts heavily loaded with the same material. Their
head-dresses were more showy than those of the men. The head was
encircled with a bandeau of otters' or beavers' fur, to which were
attached short wires standing out in all directions, with glass or shell
beads strung on them, and at the tips little feather flags and quail
plumes. Surmounting all was a pyramidal plume of feathers, black, gray,
and scarlet, the top generally being a bright scarlet bunch, waving and
tossing very beautifully. All these combined gave their heads a very
brilliant and spangled appearance.
"The first day the dance was slow and funereal, in honor of the Yo-
kai-a chief who died a short time before. The music was mournful and
simple being a monotonous chant in which only two tones were used,
accompanied with a rattling of split sticks and stamping on a hollow
slab. The second day the dance was more lively on the part of the men,
the music was better, employing airs which had a greater range of tune
and the women generally joined in the chorus. The dress of the women
was not so beautiful as they appeared in ordinary calico. The third
day if observed in accordance with Indian custom the dancing was still
more lively and the proceedings more gay just as the coming home from
a Christian funeral is apt to be much more jolly than the going out."
A Yo-kai-a widow's style of mourning is peculiar. In addition to the
usual evidences of grief she mingles the ashes of her dead husband
with pitch making a white tar or unguent, with which she smears a band
about two inches wide all around the edge of the hair (which is
previously cut off close to the head) so that at a little distance she
appears to be wearing a white chaplet.
It is their custom to feed the spirits of the dead for the space of
one year by going daily to places which they were accustomed to
frequent while living, where they sprinkle pinole upon the ground. A
Yo-kai-a mother who has lost her babe goes every day for a year to
some place where her little one played when alive or to the spot where
the body was burned and milks her breasts into the air. This is
accompanied by plaintive mourning and weeping and piteous calling upon
her little one to return and sometimes she sings a hoarse and
melancholy chant and dances with a wild ecstatic swaying of her body.
SONGS.
It has nearly always been customary to sing songs at not only funerals
but for varying periods of time afterwards although these chants may
no doubt occasionally have been simply wailing or mournful
ejaculation. A writer [Footnote: Am. Antiq., April-May-June 1879, p.
251.] mentions it as follows:
"At almost all funerals there is an irregular crying kind of singing
with no accompaniments, but generally all do not sing the same melody
at the same time in unison. Several may sing the same song and at the
same time, but each begins and finishes when he or she may wish. Often
for weeks, or even months, after the decease of a dear friend, a
living one, usually a woman, will sit by her house and sing or cry by
the hour; and they also sing for a short time when they visit the
grave or meet an esteemed friend whom they have not seen since the
decease. At the funeral both men and women sing. No. 11 I have heard
more frequently some time after the funeral, and No. 12 at the time of
the funeral, by the Twanas (For song see p. 251.) The words are simply
an exclamation of grief, as our word 'alas'; but they also have other
words which they use, and sometimes they use merely the syllable
_la_. Often the notes are sung in this order, and sometimes not,
but in some order the notes _do_ and _la,_ and occasionally
_mi,_ are sung."
GAMES.
It is not proposed to describe under this heading examples of those
athletic and gymnastic performances following the death of a person
which have been described by Lafitau, but simply to call attention to
a practice as a secondary or adjunct part of the funeral rites, which
consists in gambling for the possession of the property of the
defunct. Dr. Charles E. McChesney, U. S. A., who for some time was
stationed among the Wahpeton and Sisseton Sioux, furnishes a detailed
and interesting account of what is called the "ghost gamble." This is
played with marked wild-plum stones. So far as ascertained it is
peculiar to the Sioux.
"After the death of a wealthy Indian the near relatives take charge of
the effects, and at a stated time--usually at the time of the first
feast held over the bundle containing the lock of hair--they are
divided into many small piles, so as to give all the Indians invited
to play an opportunity to win something. One Indian is selected to
represent the ghost, and he plays against all the others, who are not
required to stake anything on the result, but simply invited to take
part in the ceremony, which is usually held in the lodge of the dead
person, in which is contained the bundle inclosing the lock of hair.
In cases where the ghost himself is not wealthy the stakes are
furnished by his rich friends, should he have any. The players are
called in one at a time, and play singly against the ghost's
representative, the gambling being done in recent years by means of
cards. If the invited player succeeds in beating the ghost he takes
one of the piles of goods and passes out when another is invited to
play, etc., until all the piles of goods are won. In cases of men only
the men play and in cases of women the women only take part in the
ceremony."
Before the white men came among these Indians and taught them many of
his improved vices this game was played by means of figured plum
seeds, the men using eight and the women seven seeds figured as
follows:
"Two seeds are simply blackened on one side the reverse containing
nothing. Two seeds are black on one side with a small spot of the
color of the seed left in the center, the reverse side having a black
spot in the center, the body being plain. Two seeds have a buffalo's
head on one side and the reverse simply two crossed black lines. There
is but one seed of this kind in the set used by the women. Two seeds
have half of one side blackened and the rest left plain so as to
represent a half moon, the reverse has a black longitudinal line
crossed at right angles by six small ones. There are six throws
whereby the player can win and five that entitle him to another throw.
The winning throws are as follows, each winner taking a pile of the
ghost's goods:
"Two plain ones up, two plain with black spots up, Buffalo's head up,
and two half moons up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two black
with natural spot up, two longitudinally crossed ones up, and the
transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones up, two
black with natural spots up, two half moons up, and the transversely
crossed one up wins a pile. Two plain black ones, two black with
natural spot up, two half moons up, and the buffalo's head up wins a
pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots up, two longitudinally
crossed ones up, and the transversely crossed one up wins a pile. Two
plain ones up, two with black spots up, buffalo's head up, and two
long crossed up wins a pile. The following throws entitle to another
chance to win: two plain ones up, two with black spots up, one half
moon up, one longitudinally crossed one up, and Buffalo's head up
gives another throw, and on this throw if the two plain ones up and
two with black spots with either of the half moons or Buffalo's head
up, the player takes a pile. Two plain ones up, two with black spots
up, two half moons up, and the transversely crossed one up entitles to
another throw, when, if all of the black sides come up excepting one,
the throw wins. One of the plain ones up and all the rest with black
sides up gives another throw, and the same then turning up wins. One
of the plain black ones up with that side up of all the others having
the least black on gives another throw, when the same turning up again
wins. One half moon up with that side up of all the others having the
least black on gives another throw, and if the throw is then
duplicated it wins. The eighth seed, used by the men has its place in
their game whenever its facings are mentioned above. I transmit with
this paper a set of these figured seeds, which can be used to
illustrate the game if desired. These seeds are said to be nearly a
hundred years old, and sets of them are now very rare."
For assisting in obtaining this account Dr. McChesney acknowledges his
indebtedness to Dr C. C. Miller, physician to the Sisseton Indian
Agency.
POSTS.
These are placed at the head or foot of the grave, or both, and have
painted or carved on them a history of the deceased or his family,
certain totemic characters, or, according to Schoolcraft, not the
achievements of the dead, but of those warriors who assisted and
danced at the interment. The northwest tribes and others frequently
plant poles near the graves, suspending therefrom bits of rag flags,
horses tails, etc. The custom among the present Indians does not exist
to any extent. Beltrami [Footnote: Pilgrimage, 1828, ii, p. 308.]
speaks of it as follows.
"Here I saw a most singular union. One of these graves was surmounted
by a cross, whilst upon another close to it a trunk of a tree was
raised, covered with hieroglyphics recording the number of enemies
slain by the tenant of the tomb and several of his tutelary Manitous."
FIRES.
It is extremely difficult to determine why the custom of building
fires on or near graves originated, some authors stating that the soul
thereby underwent a certain process of purification, others that
demons were driven away by them, and again that they were to afford
light to the wandering soul setting out for the spirit land. One
writer states that "the Algonkins believed that the fire lighted
nightly on the grave was to light the spirit on its journey. By a
coincidence to be explained by the universal sacredness of the number,
both Algonkins and Mexicans maintained it for _four_ nights
consecutively. The former related the tradition that one of their
ancestors returned from the spirit land and informed their nation that
the journey thither consumed just four days, and that collecting fuel
every night added much to the toil and fatigue the soul encountered,
all of which could be spared it". So it would appear that the belief
existed that the fire was also intended to assist the spirit in
preparing its repast. "Stephen Powers [Footnote: Cont. to N. A.
Ethnol., 1877, ii, p.58] gives a tradition current among the Yurok of
California as to the use of fires.
"After death they keep a fire burning certain nights in the vicinity
of the grave. They hold and believe, at least the 'Big Indians' do,
that the spirits of the departed are compelled to cross an extremely
attenuated greasy pole, which bridges over the chasm of the debatable
land, and that they require the fire to light them on their darksome
journey. A righteous soul traverses the pole quicker than a wicked
one, hence they regulate the number of nights for burning a light
according to the character for goodness or the opposite which the
deceased possessed in this world." Dr. Emil Bessels, of the Polaris
expedition, informs the writer that a somewhat similar belief obtains
among the Esquimaux.
SUPERSTITIONS.
An entire volume might well be written which should embrace only an
account of the superstitions regarding death and burial among the
Indians, so thoroughly has the matter been examined and discussed by
various authors, and yet so much still remains to be commented on, but
in this work, which is simply preliminary, and is hoped will be
provocative of future efforts, it is deemed sufficient to give only a
few accounts. The first is by Dr. W. Mathews, U. S. A., [Footnote:
Ethnol. and Philol. of the Hidatsa Indians. U.S. Geol. Surv. of Terr.,
1877, p. 409] and relates to the Hidatsa:
"When a Hidatsa dies his shade lingers four nights around the camp or
village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge of his departed
kindred in the 'village of the dead.' When he has arrived there he is
rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on earth by
receiving the same regard in the one place as in the other, for there
as here the brave man is honored and the coward despised. Some say
that the ghosts of those that commit suicide occupy a separate part of
the village, but that their condition differs in no wise from that of
the others. In the next world human shades hunt and live in the shades
of buffalo and other animals that have here died. There, too, there
are four seasons, but they come in an inverse order to the terrestrial
seasons. During the four nights that the ghost is supposed to linger
near his former dwelling, those who disliked or feared the deceased,
and do not wish a visit from the shade, scorch with red coals a pair
of moccasins which they leave at the door of the lodge. The smell of
the burning leather they claim keeps the ghost out; but the true
friends of the dead man take no such precautions."
From this account it will be seen that the Hidatsa as well as the
Algonkins and Mexicans believed that four days were required before
the spirit could finally leave the earth. Why the smell of burning
leather should he offensive to spirits it would perhaps be fruitless
to speculate on.
The next account, by Keating, [Footnote: Long's Exped., 1824, ii, p.
l58.] relating to the Chippewas, shows a slight analogy regarding the
slippery-pole tradition already alluded to:
"The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence entirely
distinct from the body; they call it _Ochechag,_ and appear to
supply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They believe
that it quits the body at the time of death and repairs to what they
term _Chekechekchekawe;_ this region is supposed to be situated
to the south and on the shores of the great ocean. Previous to
arriving there they meet with a stream which they are obliged to cross
upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge; those who die
from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream; they are thrown
into it and remain there forever. Some souls come to the edge of the
stream but are prevented from passing by the snake that threatens to
devour them: these are the souls of the persons in a lethargy or
trance. Being refused a passage, these souls return to their bodies
and reanimate them. They believe that animals have souls and even that
inorganic substances such as kettles etc., have in them a similar
essence."
In this land of souls all are treated according to their merits. Those
who have been good men are free from pain, they have no duties to
perform, their time is spent in dancing and singing and they feed upon
mushrooms which are very abundant The souls of bad men are haunted by
the phantom of the persons or things that they have injured, thus if a
man has destroyed much property the phantoms of the wrecks of this
property obstruct his passage wherever he goes, if he has been cruel
to his dogs or horses they also torment him after death. The ghosts of
those whom during his lifetime he wronged are there permitted to
avenge their injuries. They think that when a soul has crossed the
stream it cannot return to its body, yet they believe in apparitions
and entertain the opinion that the spirits of the departed will
frequently revisit the abodes of their friends in order to invite them
to the other world and to forewarn them of their approaching
dissolution.
Stephen Powers in his valuable work so often quoted, gives a number of
examples of superstitions regarding the dead of which the following
relates to the Karok of California.
"How well and truly the Karok reverence the memory of the dead is
shown by the fact that the highest crime one can commit is the _pet-
chi-e-ri_, the mere mention of the dead relative's name. It is a
deadly insult to the survivors and can be atoned for only by the same
amount of blood money paid for willful murder. In default of that they
will have the villain's blood.... At the mention of his name the
moldering skeleton turns in his grave and groans. They do not like
stragglers even to inspect the burial place.... They believe that the
soul of a good Karok goes to the 'happy western land' beyond the great
ocean. That they have a well grounded assurance of an immortality
beyond the grave is proven, if not otherwise, by their beautiful and
poetical custom of whispering a message in the ear of the dead....
Believe that dancing will liberate some relative's soul from bonds of
death and restore him to earth"
According to the same author, when a Kelta dies a little bird flies
away with his soul to the spirit land. If he was a bad Indian a hawk
will catch the little bird and eat him up soul and feathers, but if he
was good he will reach the spirit land. Mr. Powers also states that
"The Tolowa share in the superstitious observance for the memory of
the dead which is common to the Northern Californian tribes When I
asked the chief Tahhokolli to tell me the Indian words for 'father'
and 'mother' and certain others similar, he shook his head mournfully
and said 'all dead,' 'all dead,' 'no good.' They are forbidden to
mention the name of the dead, as it is a deadly insult to the
relatives,"... and that the "Mat-toal hold that the good depart to a
happy region somewhere southward in the great ocean, but the soul of a
bad Indian transmigrates into a grizzly bear, which they consider of
all animals the cousin-german of sin."
The Mosquito Indians of Central America studiously and superstitiously
avoid mentioning the name of the dead, in this regard resembling those
of our own country.
FINAL REMARKS.
We have thus briefly, though it is hoped judiciously and carefully,
reviewed the subject of Indian burial, avoiding elaborate discussion,
as foreign to the purpose of the work, simply pointing out from the
carefully gleaned material at our disposal such examples and detached
accounts as may serve as guides to those whose interest in the subject
may lead them to contribute to the final volume. Before closing,
however, it is necessary to again allude to the circular which has
been forwarded to observers and call attention to some additional
matters of importance connected with the queries, which are as
follows: [Footnote: Advantage has been taken to incorporate with the
queries certain modifications of those propounded by Schoolcraft in
his well-known work on the Indian tribes of the United States,
relating to the same subject.]
1st. NAME OF THE TRIBE, present appellation; former, if differing any;
and that used by the Indians themselves.
2d. LOCALITY, PRESENT AND FORMER.--The response should give the range
of the tribe and be full and geographically accurate.
3d. DEATHS AND FUNERAL CEREMONIES; what are the important and
characteristic facts connected with these subjects? How is the corpse
prepared after death and disposed of? How long is it retained? Is it
spoken to after death as if alive? when and where? What is the
character of the addresses? What articles are deposited with it; and
why? Is food put in the grave, or in or near it afterwards? Is this
said to be an ancient custom? Are persons of the same gens buried
together, and is the clan distinction obsolete, or did it ever
prevail?
4th. MANNER OF BURIAL, ANCIENT AND MODERN; STRUCTURE AND POSITION OF
THE GRAVES; CREMATION--Are burials usually made in high and dry
grounds? Have mounds or tumuli been erected in modern times over the
dead? How is the grave prepared and finished? What position are bodies
placed in? Give reasons therefor if possible. If cremation is or was
practiced, describe the process, disposal of the ashes, and origin of
custom or traditions relating thereto. Are the dead ever eaten by the
survivors? Are bodies deposited in springs or in any body of water?
Are scaffolds or trees used as burial places; if so, describe
construction of the former and how the corpse is prepared, and whether
placed in skins or boxes. Are bodies placed in canoes? State whether
they are suspended from trees, put on scaffolds or posts, allowed to
float on the water or sunk beneath it, or buried in the ground. Can
any reasons be given for the prevalence of any one or all of the
methods? Are burial posts or slabs used, plain, or marked, with flags
or other insignia of position of deceased. Describe embalmment,
mummification, desiccation, or if antiseptic precautions are taken,
and subsequent disposal of remains. Are bones collected and
reinterred, describe ceremonies, if any, whether modern or ancient. If
charnel houses exist or have been used, describe them.
5th. MOURNING OBSERVANCES--Is scarification practiced, or personal
mutilation? What is the garb or sign of mourning? How are the dead
lamented? Are periodical visits made to the grave? Do widows carry
symbols of their deceased children or husbands, and for how long? Are
sacrifices, human or otherwise, voluntary or involuntary, offered? Are
fires kindled on graves, why, and at what time, and for how long?
6th. BURIAL TRADITIONS AND SUPERSTITIONS--Give in full all that can be
learned on these subjects, as they are full of interest and very
important.
In short, every fact bearing on the disposal of the dead, and
correlative customs are needed, and details should be as succinct and
full as possible.
One of the most important matters upon which information is needed is
the "why" and "wherefore" for every rite and custom, for, as a rule,
observers are content to simply state a certain occurrence as a fact,
but take very little trouble to inquire the reason for it.
The writer would state that any material the result of careful
observation will be most gratefully received and acknowledged in the
final volume, and he would here confess the lasting obligation he is
under to those who have already contributed in response to his call.
Criticism and comments are earnestly invited from all those interested
in the special subject of this paper and anthropology in general
Contributions are also requested from persons acquainted with curious
forms of burial prevailing among other tribes of savage men.
In addition to the many references, etc, given by the various members
of the Bureau of Ethnology, communications have been received from the
following persons, although their accounts may not have been alluded
to in this volume; should omissions of names have occurred it is hoped
attention will be called to the fact.
The writer acknowledges with pleasure the assistance he has received
in reading the proof of this volume from Mr. J. C. Pilling, Dr. Thomas
W. Wise and Mr. R. W. Hardy.
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS.
E. H. ALDEN.
DR. C. P. ALLEN.
GEN. BENJAMIN ALVORD, U. S. A.
C. C. BALDWIN.
JOHN BALL.
E. A BARBER.
DR. JOHN H. BARTHOLF, U. S. A.
LIEUT. E. M. BASS, U. S. A.
LIEUT. ERIC BERGLAND, U. S. A.
DR. E. BESSELS.
JOHN HENRY BONER.
DR. W. C. BOTELER.
LIEUT. JOHN G. BOURKE. U. S. A.
GEN. L. P. BRADLEY, U. S. A.
WILLIAM N. BYERS.
T. A. CHENEY.
BENJAMIN CLARK.
LIEUT. WILLIAM P. CLARKE, U. S. A.
W. J. CLEVELAND.
W. L. COFFINBERRY.
J. F. CRAVENS.
W. M. CUNNINGHAM.
WILLIAM H. DALL.
MRS. E. H. DANFORTH.
W. H. DANILSON.
WELLS DRURY.
HARRY EDWARDS.
REV. EDWIN EELLS.
DR. LOUIS ELSBERG.
LIEUT. GEORGE E. FORD, U. S. A.
DR. EDWARD FOREMAN.
CAPT J. H. GAGEBY, U. S. A.
DR. W. H. GARDNER, U. S. A.
ALBERT S. GATSCHET.
FLORIEN GIAUQUE.
G.K. GILBERT.
DR. J. W. GIVEN.
O. G. GIVEN.
DR. P. GREGG.
REV. SHERLOCK GREGORY.
DR. FORDYCE GRINNELL.
DR. J. F. HAMMOND, U. S. A.
A. G. HENNISSEE.
DR. W. J. HOFFMAN.
COL. A. L. HOUGH, U. S. A.
DR. FRANKLIN B. HOUGH.
ROBERT HOWELL
C. A. HUNTINGTON.
DR. GEORGE W. IRA.
H. P. JONES.
CAPT. W. A. JONES, U. S. A.
JUDGE ANTHONY JOSEPH
M. B. KENT.
H. R. KERVEY.
DR. JAMES P. KIMBALL, U. S. A.
W. M. KING.
DR. J. V. LAUDERDALE, U. S. A.
DR. J. L. LECONTE.
GEORGE W. LEE.
J. M. LEE.
DR. RICHARD ELMHURST LIGHTBURNE, U. S. A.
DR. REBECCA H. LONGSHORE.
COL. G. MALLERY, U. S. A.
DR. CHARLES E. MCCHESNEY, U. S. A.
DR. AUGUSTIN J. MCDONALD.
DR. J. C. MCKEE, U. S. A.
DR. JAMES MCLAUGHLIN.
DR. T. A. MCPARLIN, U. S. A.
I. L. MAHAN.
DR. F. S. MATTESON
GEN. M. C. MEIGS, U. S. A.
DR. JOHN MENAUL.
DR. J. L. MILLS.
R. H. MILROY.
DR. RUDOLPH MUELLER.
DR. WILLIAM M. NOTSON, U. S. A.
FRANK M. OFFUTT.
W. T. OWSLEY.
CAPT. A. D. PALMER.
DR. EDWARD PALMER.
C. W. PARISH.
GEORGE H. PERKINS.
J. C. PILLING.
CAPT. R. H. PRATT, U. S. A.
HOSP.-STEW. CHARLES PRIMBS, U. S. A.
DR. CHARLES RAU
DR. J. REAGLES, U. S. A.
R. S. ROBERTSON.
DR. J. T. ROTHROCK, U. S. A.
C. C. ROYCE.
S. A. RUSSELL.
C. W. SANDERSON.
DR. B. G. SEMIG, U. S. A.
LIEUT. CHARLES S. SMITH, U. S. A.
DR. JOSEPH R. SMITH, U. S. A.
JOHN A. SPRING.
C. L. STRATTON
DR. M. K. TAYLOR, U. S. A.
W. H. B. THOMAS.
GEN. CHARLES H. TOMPKINS, U. S. A.
M. TOMPKINS.
CAPT. E. J. THOMPSON, U. S. A.
T. M. TRIPPE.
S. S. TURNER.
CAPT. FRED VAN VLIET, U. S. A.
GEN. S. VAN VLIET, U. S. A.
LIEUT. A. W. VOGDES, U. S. A.
W. D. WHEELER.
DR. C. A. WHITE.
DR. W. WHITNEY.
COL. CHARLES WHITTLESEY.
EDWARD J. WICKSON.
DR. B. G. WILDER.
REV. JOHN P. WILLIAMSON.
WILLIAM WOOD.
DR. J. P. WRIGHT.
S. G. WRIGHT.
DR. LORENZO J. YATES.
JOHN YOUNG.
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