Books: Practical Argumentation
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George K. Pattee >> Practical Argumentation
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The following opening of a speech by Abraham Lincoln at Columbus,
Ohio, shows how he used this device to gain the sympathy of the
audience:--
Fellow-citizens of the State of Ohio: I cannot fail to remember that I
appear for the first time before an audience in this now great State,--
an audience that is accustomed to hear such speakers as Corwin, and
Chase, and Wade, and many other renowned men; and remembering this, I
feel that it will be well for you, as for me, that you should not
raise your expectations to that standard to which you would have been
justified in raising them had one of these distinguished men appeared
before you. You would perhaps be only preparing a disappointment for
yourselves, and, as a consequence of your disappointment,
mortification for me. I hope, therefore, that you will commence with
very moderate expectations; and perhaps, if you will give me your
attention, I shall be able to interest you in a moderate degree.
[Footnote: Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. I, p. 538. Nicolay
& Hay. Century Company.]
These, then, are the suggestions offered for conciliating an audience:
Be modest; be fair; be sincere; and appeal to some strong emotion. To
make this appeal successfully, study your audience. In case of
inability to arouse any stronger feeling, appeal to the interest of
the people by showing that the subject is important, or timely, or
both; or show that you have some personal claim upon the audience.
These directions are far from complete. Anything like an exhaustive
treatment of this subject would in itself constitute a book. The
advice offered here, however, should be of considerable value to one
who has difficulty in getting a written argument or a debate
successfully launched. The student should supplement this chapter with
careful study of the work of proficient writers. If he will notice how
they have gained success in this particular, and if he will imitate
them, he is bound to improve his own compositions. The principal
dangers to be avoided consist of going to extremes. The conciliatory
part of the introduction should not be so meager that it will fail to
accomplish its purpose, nor should it be so elaborate and artificial
as to hamper the onward movement of the argument. The important thing
is to gain the good will and the attention of the audience, and, other
things being equal, the shorter the introduction the better. Further
directions for the spoken argument may be found in the chapter
entitled _Debate_.
EXERCISES
A. Criticise the following introductory passages for persuasiveness,
pointing out specifically the methods of conciliation used, and any
defects that may be found:--
1. The building of the Panama Canal is a topic of interest and
importance to every American. Not only do we wish to see our country
build the canal successfully, but we also desire to see built the best
canal that the world has ever known. There is no doubt that the canal
is necessary; the great loss of time and money, the annual sacrifice
of ships and lives involved in the passage around the "Horn," not to
mention the expense and congestion of the railroad freight systems
across the continent, plainly show the need of quicker ship
communication between the two oceans.
2. I stand here to raise the last voice that ever can be heard this
side the judgment seat of God in behalf of the personal honor and
judicial integrity of this respondent. I fully realize the
responsibilities of my position, and I shall endeavor to meet them as
best I can. I also realize as deeply as any other man can how
important it is not only to my client but to every American man,
woman, and child that justice shall be done and true deliverance made.
3. The opening of the racing season in New York, at the Aqueduct track
on Long Island, gives a fresh opportunity for observation of the
conditions under which horse-racing, and more especially gambling on
horse races, is carried on. The announcement of the racing managers
that certain "reforms" had been inaugurated in the control of the
gambling makes the opportunity of especial interest.
4. I approach the discussion of this bill and the kindred bills and
amendments pending in the two Houses with unaffected diffidence. No
problem is submitted to us of equal importance and difficulty. Our
action will affect the value of all the property of all the people of
the United States, and the wages of labor of every kind, and our trade
and commerce with all the world. In the consideration of such a
question we should not be controlled by previous opinions or bound by
local interests, but with the light of experience and full knowledge
of all the complicated facts involved, give to the subject the best
judgment which imperfect human nature allows.
5. Each generation has the power to shape its own destinies; and had
Washington and his fellow patriots been governed by warnings against a
departure from traditions, our present form of government would never
have been established, the Constitution would have been rejected by
the States, and untold evils would have resulted. Madison, when
arguing for the adoption of the Constitution, met arguments very like
to those now being made in favor of political isolation.
6. As a race they have withered from the land. Their arrows are broken
and their springs are dried up; their cabins are in the dust. Their
council fire has long since gone out on the shore, and their war cry
is fast dying out to the untrodden West. Slowly and sadly they climb
the mountains and read their doom in the setting sun. They are
shrinking before the mighty tide which is pressing them away; they
must soon hear the roar of the last wave, which will settle over them
forever. Ages hence the inquisitive white man, as he stands by some
growing city, will ponder on the structure of their disturbed remains
and wonder to what manner of person they belonged. They will live only
in the songs and chronicles of their exterminators. Let these be
faithful to their rude virtues as men, and pay due tribute to their
unhappy fate as a people.
7. (During the Civil War England largely favored the South. To
counteract this feeling Henry Ward Beecher spoke in many of the
principal cities in behalf of Northern interests. In Liverpool he met
an audience that was extremely hostile. The following is the
introduction to his speech.) For more than twenty-five years I have
been made perfectly familiar with popular assemblies in all parts of
my country except the extreme South. There has not been for the whole
of that time a single day of my life when it would have been safe for
me to go south of Mason and Dixon's line in my own country, and all
for one reason: my solemn, earnest, persistent testimony against that
which I consider to be the most atrocious thing under the sun--the
system of American slavery in a great free republic. (Cheers.) I have
passed through that early period when right of free speech was denied
me. Again and again I have attempted to address audiences that, for no
other crime than that of free speech, visited me with all manner of
contumelious epithets; and now since I have been in England, although
I have met with greater kindness and courtesy on the part of most than
I deserved, yet, on the other hand, I perceive that the Southern
influence prevails to some extent in England. (Applause and uproar.)
It is my old acquaintance; I understand it perfectly-(laughter)-and I
have always held it to be an unfailing truth that where a man had a
cause that would bear examination he was perfectly willing to have it
spoken about. (Applause.) And when in Manchester I saw those huge
placards, "Who is Henry Ward Beecher?" (laughter, cries of "Quite
right," and applause), and when in Liverpool I was told that there
were those blood-red placards, purporting to say what Henry Ward Beecher
has said, and calling upon Englishmen to suppress free speech, I tell
you what I thought. I thought simply this, "I am glad of it."
(Laughter.) Why? Because if they had felt perfectly secure, that you
are the minions of the South and the slaves of slavery, they would
have been perfectly still. (Applause and uproar.) And, therefore, when
I saw so much nervous apprehension that, if I were permitted to speak
--(hisses and applause)--when I found they were afraid to have me
speak--(hisses, laughter, and "No, no!")--when I found that they
considered my speaking damaging to their cause--(applause)--when I
found that they appealed from facts and reasonings to mob law--
(applause and uproar)--I said, no man need tell me what the heart and
secret counsel of these men are. They tremble and are afraid.
(Applause, laughter, hisses, "No, no!" and a voice, "New York mob.")
Now, personally, it is of very little consequence to me whether I
speak here to-night or not. (Laughter and cheers.) But one thing is
very certain, if you do permit me to speak here tonight, you will hear
very plain talking. (Applause and hisses.) You will not find a man--
(interruption)--you will not find me to be a man that dared to speak
about Great Britain three thousand miles off, and then is afraid to
speak to Great Britain when he stands on her shores. (Immense applause
and hisses.) And if I do not mistake the tone and temper of
Englishmen, they had rather have a man who opposes them in a manly
way--(applause from all parts of the hall)--than a sneak that agrees
with them in an unmanly way. (Applause and "Bravo!") Now, if I can
carry you with me by sound convictions, I shall be immensely glad
(applause); but if I cannot carry you with me by facts and sound
arguments, I do not wish you to go with me at all; and all that I ask
is simply FAIR PLAY. (Applause, and a voice, "You shall have it,
too.")
Those of you who are kind enough to wish to favor my speaking,--and
you will observe that my voice is slightly husky from having spoken
almost every night in succession for some time past,--those who wish
to hear me will do me the kindness simply to sit still; and I and my
friends the Secessionists will make all the noise. (Laughter.)
B. On the affirmative side of the following propositions, write
conciliatory introductions, of about two hundred words each, suited to
the audiences indicated:--
AN AUDIENCE OF COLLEGE STUDENTS.
1. All colleges should abolish hazing.
2. Fraternities tend to destroy college spirit.
3. A classical education is not worth while.
4. All colleges should abolish secret class societies.
5. Intercollegiate athletic contests are harmful to a college.
AN AUDIENCE OF WORKINGMEN.
6. Strikes are barren of profitable results.
7. Unions are detrimental to the laboring man.
8. The concentration of great wealth in the hands of a few men
benefits industrial conditions.
CHAPTER IV
THE INTRODUCTION--CONVICTION
As soon as the persuasive portion of an introduction has rendered the
audience friendly, attentive, and open to conviction, the process of
reasoning should begin. First of all, it is the duty of the arguer to
see that the meaning of the proposition is perfectly clear both to
himself and to all the people whom he wishes to reach. If the arguer
does not thoroughly comprehend his subject, he is likely to produce
only a jumble of facts and reasoning, or at best he may establish a
totally different proposition from the one that confronts him; if the
audience fails to understand just what is being proved, they remain
uninfluenced. The amount of explanation required to show what the
proposition means varies according to the intelligence of the people
addressed and their familiarity with the subject.
DEFINITION.
To begin with, if there are any unfamiliar words in the proposition,
any terms or expressions that are liable to be misunderstood or not
comprehended instantly, they must be defined. At this point the arguer
has to exercise considerable judgment both in determining what words
to define and in choosing a definition that is accurate and clear.
Synonyms are almost always untrustworthy or as incomprehensible as the
original word, and other dictionary definitions are usually framed
either in too technical language to be easily grasped or in too
general language to apply inevitably to the case at hand.
DEFINITION BY AUTHORITY. As a rule, the very best definitions that can
be used are _quotations_ from the works of men distinguished for
their knowledge in the special subject to which the word to be defined
belongs. The eminent economist defines economic terms; the statesman,
political terms; the jurist, legal terms; the scientist, scientific
terms; the theologian, the meaning of religious phraseology. To
present these definitions accurately, and to be sure of the author's
meaning, one should take the quotations directly from the author's
work itself. If, however, this source is not at hand, or if time for
research is lacking, one may often find in legal and economic
dictionaries and in encyclopaedias the very quotations that he wishes
to use in defining a term. It is always well, in quoting a definition,
to tell who the authority is, and in what book, in what volume, and on
what page the passage occurs.
Another convenient way of using definition by authority is not to
quote the entire definition but to _summarize_ it. Frequently an
authoritative definition is so exhaustive that it covers several pages
or even chapters of a book. In such a case the arguer may well
condense the definition into his own words, not omitting, however, to
name the sources used. The following example is an excellent
illustration of this method:--
The bearing of the Monroe Doctrine on all these contentions and
counter contentions is not at once evident to the casual observer....
Of course with changing times its meaning has changed also, for no one
attempts to declare it to be as immutable as the law of the Medes and
Persians. It is applied in various ways to meet varying conditions.
Nevertheless, I may say I believe, after a perusal of the more
important works on the subject, that during the forescore years of its
existence two principles have steadily underlain it: (1) that Europe
shall acquire no more territory for permanent occupation upon this
continent; (2) that Europe shall affect the destinies of, that is
exert influence over, no American state.[Footnote: A. B. Hart,
_Foundations of American Foreign Policy_, chap. VII; J. W.
Foster, _A Century of American Diplomacy_, chap. XII; J. A.
Kasson, _The Evolution of the Constitution of the United States of
America_, pages 221 ff. [Footnote: Nutter, Hersey & Greenough,
Specimens of Prose Composition, p. 218. ] ]
DEFINITION BY ILLUSTRATION. Since the purpose of each step in the
reasoning portion of the introduction is to convey information
accurately, quickly, and, above all else, clearly, a particularly good
method for defining terms is by illustration. In using this method,
one holds up to view a concrete example of the special significance of
the word that is being explained. He shows how the law, or custom, or
principle, or whatever is being expounded works in actual practice.
For example, if he is advocating the superiority of the large college
over the small college, he should define each term by giving specific
examples of large colleges and of small colleges. The advantage of
this method lies in its simplicity and clearness, qualities which
enable the audience to understand the discussion without much
conscious effort on their part. Investigation reveals that the
definitions of great writers and speakers are replete with
illustration. Whenever the student of argumentation has something to
define that is particularly intricate or hard to understand, he should
illustrate it. If he fails to find already prepared an illustrative
definition that exactly fits his needs, he will often do well to learn
just what the term means, and then make his own illustration.
Consider how this method has been used. The Hon. Charles Emory Smith
defines reciprocity as follows:--
Its principle, rightly understood, is axiomatic. Brazil grows coffee
and makes no machinery. We make machinery and grow no coffee. She
needs the fabrics of our forges and factories, and we need the fruit
of her tropical soil. We agree to concessions for her coffee and she
agrees to concessions for our machinery. That is reciprocity.
The following is a definition of free silver by The Hon. Edward O.
Leech, former Director of the Mint:--
It is important to understand clearly and exactly what the free
coinage of silver under present conditions means. It may be defined as
the right of anyone to deposit silver of any kind at a mint of the
United States, and have every 371.25 grains of pure silver (now worth
in its uncoined state about 52 cents) stamped, free of charge, "One
Dollar," which dollar shall be a full legal tender at its face value
in the payment of debts and obligations of all kinds, public and
private, in the United States.
In upholding his opinion that a majority of the members of the House
of Representatives have the right to make the rules governing
parliamentary procedure in the House, The Hon. Thomas B. Reed
carefully defines the term "rights":--
It is the fault of most discussions which are decided incorrectly that
they are decided by the misuse of terms. Unfortunately, words have
very little precision, and mean one thing to one man and a different
thing to another. Words are also used with one meaning and quoted with
another. When men speak of the rights of minorities and claim for them
the sacredness of established law, they are correct or incorrect
according as they interpret the word "rights."
A man has a right to an estate in fee simple, a right to land, and
there is no right more indisputable under our system. Nothing but the
supreme law can take the estate away, and then only after
compensation. The same man has a right of passage over land used as a
highway, but his town or county can take that privilege away from him
without his consent and without compensation. In both cases the man
has rights, but the rights are entirely different, and the difference
arises from the nature of things. It is good for the community, or at
least it has been so thought, that a man should have unrestricted
right over his land. On it he can build as high as heaven or dig as
deep as a probable hereafter. This is not because it is pleasant for
the man, but because it is best for the community. Therefore his right
to build or dig is limited by the right of eminent domain--the right
of the whole people to take his property at any time for the common
benefit on paying its value.
For the same reason the right of a man to walk over the land of a
roadway is an inferior right which may more easily be taken from him;
for if it be more convenient for the whole community that nobody
should walk over that land, each man's right, which is a perfect right
while it exists, is taken away from him, and he alone bears the loss.
It is hardly necessary to multiply examples in order to lay a
foundation for the assertion that the rights, so called, of any man or
set of men, have their foundation only in the common good.
EXPLANATION.
Not only must the arguer define the unfamiliar words that occur in the
proposition, but he must also explain the meaning of the proposition
_taken as a whole_. Since an audience often has neither the
inclination nor the opportunity to give a proposition careful thought
and study, the disputant himself must make clear the matter in
dispute, and show exactly where the difference in opinion between the
affirmative and the negative lies. This process is of great
importance; it removes the subject of dispute from the realm of mere
words--words which arranged in a formal statement are to many often
incomprehensible--and brings out clearly the _idea_ that is to be
supported or condemned.
To discover just what the proposition means, the arguer must weigh
each word, carefully noting its meaning and its significance in the
proposition. To neglect a single word is disastrous. An
intercollegiate debate was once lost because the affirmative side did
not take into consideration the words "present tendency" in the
proposition, "_Resolved_, That the present tendency of labor
unions is detrimental to the prosperity of the United States." The
negative side admitted everything that the affirmative established,
namely, that unions are detrimental; and won by showing that their
_tendency_ is beneficial. In another college debate on the
subject, "_Resolved_, That the United States should immediately
dispose of the Philippines," one side failed to meet the real point at
issue because it ignored the word "immediately." A thorough
explanation of the proposition would have shown the limitations that
this word imposed upon the discussion.
In the next place, the arguer should usually present to the audience a
brief history of the matter in dispute. Many debatable subjects are of
such a nature that the arguer himself cannot, until he Has studied the
history of the proposition, fully understand what constitutes the
clash in opinion between the affirmative and the negative sides. To
understand the debate, the audience must possess this same
information. A history of the idea contained in the proposition would
be absolutely necessary to render intelligible such subjects as: "The
aggressions of England in the Transvaal are justifiable"; "The United
States should re-establish reciprocity with Canada"; "Football reform
is advisable."
In the last place, the arguer must give his audience all essential
information concerning the matter in dispute. For example, if the
proposition is, "Naturalization laws in the United States should be
more stringent," a mere definition of "naturalization laws" is not
enough; the disputant must tell just what naturalization laws exist at
the present time, and just how stringent they are to-day. Again, if
the subject is, "The United States army should be enlarged," the
arguer must tell exactly how large the army is now. If the proposition
is, "The right of suffrage should be further limited by an educational
test," the arguer must state what limits now exist, and he must also
tell what is meant by "an educational test." In a debate the work of
the affirmative and of the negative differ slightly at this point.
Since the proposition reads _an educational test_, the advocate
for the affirmative has the privilege of upholding any sort of
educational test that he wishes to defend, provided only that it comes
within the limits of "an educational test." He may say that the test
should consist of a knowledge of the alphabet, or he may advocate an
examination in higher mathematics; _but he is under obligation to
outline carefully and thoroughly some specific system_. The
negative, on the other hand, must be prepared to overthrow whatever
system is brought forward. If the affirmative fails to outline any
system, the negative has only to call attention to this fact to put
the affirmative in a very embarrassing position.
The following quotations are good illustrations of how a proposition
may be explained:--
The supremely significant and instructive fact, in the dealings of
society with crime in our day, and one which has not been fully
grasped as yet by the legal profession, not even by those who practice
in criminal courts, and who should be familiar with it, is this: We
have now two classes of institutions fundamentally distinct in
character and purpose, both of which are designed by society, erected
and conducted at public expense, for the purpose of dealing with
criminals. The most numerous class of these institutions consists of
prisons, in which to confine men for terms specified by the trial
courts as penalties for their offenses. The laws, under which
offenders are sentenced to these prisons, aim at classifying crimes
according to the degree of guilt they imply, and assigning to each of
them the penalty which it deserves. Thus, to these prisons are sent
men sentenced to confinement for two, five, ten, fourteen, or thirty
years, or for life, according to the name which the law attaches to
the crime proved upon them; and each man, when he has served the
prescribed term, is turned loose upon society. The other class of
institutions includes what are known as "reformatories." The
fundamental principle here is that an offender is sent to them not for
a term, but for a specified work. It is assumed that his character and
habits unfit him for social life. For reasons to be found in his own
nature, he cannot yet be trusted with freedom and the responsibilities
of citizenship. But he may possess the capacity to become an honest,
industrious, and useful citizen. To the reformatory, then, he is sent
to be educated; to be trained to habits of industry; above all, to be
disciplined in the habit of looking forward to the future with the
consciousness that his welfare and happiness to-morrow depend on his
conduct to-day, and that he is constantly shaping his own destiny. He
is expected to remain until it satisfactorily appears that this
training is effective, and he may then go forth with a prospect of
leading an honest and respectable life. This, in brief, is the
distinction between these two classes of institutions.
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