Books: The Querist
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George Berkley >> The Querist
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282. Qu. Whether it must not be ruinous for a nation to sit down to
game, be it with silver or with paper?
283. Qu. Whether, therefore, the circulating paper, in the late
ruinous schemes of France and England, was the true evil, and not
rather the circulating thereof without industry? And whether the
bank of Amsterdam, where industry had been for so many years
subsisted and circulated by transfers on paper, doth not clearly
decide this point?
284. Qu. Whether there are not to be seen in America fair towns,
wherein the people are well lodged, fed, and clothed, without a
beggar in their streets, although there be not one grain of gold or
silver current among them?
285. Qu. Whether these people do not exercise all arts and trades,
build ships and navigate them to all parts of the world, purchase
lands, till and reap the fruits of them, buy and sell, educate and
provide for their children? Whether they do not even indulge
themselves in foreign vanities?
286. Qu. Whether, whatever inconveniences those people may have
incurred from not observing either rules or bounds in their paper
money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing
condition, have larger and better built towns, more plenty, more
industry, more arts and civility, and a more extensive commerce,
than when they had gold and silver current among them?
287. Qu. Whether a view of the ruinous effects of absurd schemes and
credit mismanaged, so as to produce gaming and madness instead of
industry, can be any just objection against a national bank
calculated purely to promote industry?
288. Qu. Whether a scheme for the welfare of this nation should not
take in the whole inhabitants? And whether it be not a vain attempt,
to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry, exclusive of
the bulk of the natives?
289. Qu. Whether, therefore, it doth not greatly concern the State,
that our Irish natives should be converted, and the whole nation
united in the same religion, the same allegiance, and the same
interest? and how this may most probably be effected?
290. Qu. Whether an oath, testifying allegiance to the king, and
disclaiming the pope's authority in temporals, may not be justly
required of the Roman Catholics? And whether, in common prudence or
policy, any priest should be tolerated who refuseth to take it?
291. Qu. Whether there have not been Popish recusants? and, if so,
whether it would be right to object against the foregoing oath, that
all would take it, and none think themselves bound by it?
292. Qu. Whether those of the Church of Rome, in converting the
Moors of Spain or the Protestants of France, have not set us an
example which might justify a similar treatment of themselves, if
the laws of Christianity allowed thereof?
293. Qu. Whether compelling men to a profession of faith is not the
worst thing in Popery, and, consequently, whether to copy after the
Church of Rome therein, were not to become Papists ourselves in the
worst sense?
294. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, we may not imitate the Church of
Rome, in certain places, where Jews are tolerated, by obliging our
Irish Papists, at stated times, to hear Protestant sermons? and
whether this would not make missionaries in the Irish tongue useful?
295. Qu. Whether the mere act of hearing, without making any
profession of faith, or joining in any part of worship, be a
religious act; and, consequently, whether their being obliged to
hear, may not consist with the toleration of Roman Catholics?
296. Qu. Whether, if penal laws should be thought oppressive, we may
not at least be allowed to give premiums? And whether it would be
wrong, if the public encouraged Popish families to become hearers,
by paying their hearth-money for them?
297. Qu. Whether in granting toleration, we ought not to distinguish
between doctrines purely religious, and such as affect the State?
298. Qu. Whether the case be not very different in regard to a man
who only eats fish on Fridays, says his prayers in Latin, or
believes transubstantiation, and one who professeth in temporals a
subjection to foreign powers, who holdeth himself absolved from all
obedience to his natural prince and the laws of his country? who is
even persuaded, it may be meritorious to destroy the powers that
are?
299. Qu. Whether, therefore, a distinction should not be made
between mere Papists and recusants? And whether the latter can
expect the same protection from the Government as the former?
300. Qu. Whether our Papists in this kingdom can complain, if they
are allowed to be as much Papists as the subjects of France or of
the Empire?
301. Qu. Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants,
in any Roman Catholic country under the sun, that profess an
absolute submission to the pope's orders in matters of an
indifferent nature, or that in such points do not think it their
duty to obey the civil government?
302. Qu. Whether since the peace of Utrecht, mass was not celebrated
and the sacraments administered in divers dioceses of Sicily,
notwithstanding the Pope's interdict?
303. Qu. Whether every plea of conscience is to be regarded?
Whether, for instance, the German Anabaptists, Levellers, or Fifth
Monarchy men would be tolerated on that pretence?
304. Qu. Whether Popish children bred in charity schools, when bound
out in apprenticeship to Protestant masters, do generally continue
Protestants?
305. Qu. Whether a Sum, which would go but a little way towards
erecting hospitals for maintaining and educating the children of the
native Irish, might not go far in binding them out apprentices to
Protestant masters, for husbandry, useful trades, and the service of
families?
306. Qu. Whether if the parents are overlooked, there can be any
great hopes of success in converting the children?
307. Qu. Whether there be any instance, of a people's being
converted in a Christian sense, otherwise than by preaching to them
and instructing them in their own language?
308. Qu. Whether catechists in the Irish tongue may not easily be
procured and subsisted? And whether this would not be the most
practicable means for converting the natives?
309. Qu. Whether it be not of great advantage to the Church of Rome,
that she hath clergy suited to all ranks of men, in gradual
subordination from cardinals down to mendicants?
310. Qu. Whether her numerous poor clergy are not very useful in
missions, and of much influence with the people?
311. Qu. Whether, in defect of able missionaries, persons conversant
in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue, if well instructed in
the first principles of religion, and in the popish controversy,
though for the rest on a level with the parish clerks, or the
school-masters of charity-schools, may not be fit to mix with and
bring over our poor illiterate natives to the Established Church?
Whether it is not to be wished that some parts of our liturgy and
homilies were publicly read in the Irish language? And whether, in
these views, it may not be right to breed up some of the better sort
of children in the charity-schools, and qualify them for
missionaries, catechists, and readers?
312. Qu. Whether there be any nation of men governed by reason? And
yet, if there was not, whether this would be a good argument against
the use of reason in pubic affairs?
313. Qu. Whether, as others have supposed an Atlantis or Utopia, we
also may not suppose an Hyperborean island inhabited by reasonable
creatures?
314. Qu. Whether an indifferent person, who looks into all hands,
may not be a better judge of the game than a party who sees only his
own?
315. Qu. Whether one, whose end is to make his countrymen think, may
not gain his end, even though they should not think as he doth?
316. Qu. Whether he, who only asks, asserts? and whether any man can
fairly confute the querist?
317. Qu. Whether the interest of a part will not always be preferred
to that of the whole?
FINIS
ERRATA.
Page 10. Line 17. for inexhaustable r. inexhaustible P. 14 L. 22.
for Helpless r. Hopeless. P. 16 L. ult for than r. as.
Part II
Query 1.
Whether there be any country in Christendom more capable of
improvement than Ireland?
2. Qu. Whether we are not as far before other nations with respect
to natural advantages, as we are behind them with respect to arts
and industry?
3. Qu. Whether we do not live in a most fertile soil and temperate
climate, and yet whether our people in general do not feel great
want and misery?
4. Qu. Whether my countrymen are not readier at finding excuses than
remedies?
5. Qu. Whether it can be reasonably hoped, that our state will mend,
so long as property is insecure among us?
6. Qu. Whether in that case the wisest government, or the best laws
can avail. us?
7. Qu. Whether a few mishaps to particular persons may not throw
this nation into the utmost confusion?
8. Qu. Whether the public is not even on the brink of being undone
by private accidents?
9. Qu. Whether the wealth and prosperity of our country do not hang
by a hair, the probity of one banker, the caution of another, and
the lives of all?
10. Qu. Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by
some late events?
11. Qu. Whether therefore it be not high time to open our eyes?
12. Qu. Whether a national bank would not at once secure our
properties, put an end to usury, facilitate commerce, supply the
want of coin, and produce ready payments in all parts of the
kingdom?
13. Qu. Whether the use or nature of money, which all men so eagerly
pursue, be yet sufficiently understood or considered by all?
14. Qu. Whether mankind are not governed by Citation rather than by
reason?
15. Qu. Whether there be not a measure or limit, within which gold
and silver are useful, and beyond which they may be hurtful?
16. Qu. Whether that measure be not the circulating of industry?
17. Qu. Whether a discovery of the richest gold mine that ever was,
in the heart of this kingdom, would be a real advantage to us?
18. Qu. Whether it would not tempt foreigners to prey upon us?
19. Qu. Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and dastardly
people?
20. Qu. Whether every man who had money enough would not be a
gentleman? And whether a nation of gentlemen would not be a wretched
nation?
21. Qu. Whether all things would not bear a high price? And whether
men would not increase their fortunes without being the better for
it?
22. Qu. Whether the same evils would be apprehended from paper-money
under an honest and thrifty regulation?
23. Qu. Whether, therefore, a national bank would not be more
beneficial than even a mine of gold?
24. Qu. Whether private ends are not prosecuted with more attention
and vigour than the public? And yet, whether all private ends are
not included in the pubic?
25. Qu. Whether banking be not absolutely necessary to the pubic
weal?
26. Qu. Whether even our private banks, though attended with such
hazards as we all know them to be, are not of singular use in defect
of a national bank?
27. Qu. Whether without them what little business and industry there
is would not stagnate? But whether it be not a mighty privilege for
a private person to be able to create a hundred pounds with a dash
of his pen?
28. Qu. Whether the mystery of banking did not derive its original
from the Italians? Whether this acute people were not, upon a time,
bankers over all Europe? Whether that business was not practised by
some of their noblest families who made immense profits by it, and
whether to that the house of Medici did not originally owe its
greatness?
29. Qu. Whether the wise state of Venice was not the first that
conceived the advantage of a national bank?
30. Qu. Whether at Venice all payments of bills of exchange and
merchants' contracts are not made in the national or pubic bank, the
greatest affairs being transacted only by writing the names of the
parties, one as debtor the other as creditor in the bank-book?
31. Qu. Whether nevertheless it was not found expedient to provide a
chest of ready cash for answering all demands that should happen to
be made on account of payments in detail?
32. Qu. Whether this offer of ready cash, instead of transfers in
the bank, hath not been found to augment rather than diminish the
stock thereof?
33. Qu. Whether at Venice, the difference in the value of bank money
above other money be not fixed at twenty per cent?
34. Qu. Whether the bank of Venice be not shut up four times in the
year twenty days each time?
35. Qu. Whether by means of this bank the public be not mistress of
a million and a half sterling?
36. Qu. Whether the great exactness and integrity with which this
bank is managed be not the chief support of that republic?
37. Qu. Whether we may not hope for as much skill and honesty in a
Protestant Irish Parliament as in a Popish Senate of Venice?
38. Qu. Whether the bank of Amsterdam was not begun about one
hundred and thirty years ago, and whether at this day its stock be
not conceived to amount to three thousand tons of gold, or thirty
millions sterling?
39. Qu. Whether besides coined money, there be not also great
quantities of ingots or bars of gold and silver lodged in this bank?
40. Qu. Whether all payments of contracts for goods in gross, and
letters of exchange, must not be made by transfers in the
bank-books, provided the sum exceed three hundred florins?
41. Qu. Whether it be not true, that the bank of Amsterdam never
makes payments in cash?
42. Qu. Whether, nevertheless, it be not also true, that no man who
hath credit in the bank can want money from particular persons, who
are willing to become creditors in his stead?
43. Qu. Whether any man thinks himself the poorer, because his money
is in the bank?
44. Qu. Whether the creditors of the bank of Amsterdam are not at
liberty to withdraw their money when they please, and whether this
liberty doth not make them less desirous to use it?
45. Qu. Whether this bank be not shut up twice in the year for ten
or fifteen days, during which time the accounts are balanced?
46. Qu. Whether it be not owing to this bank that the city of
Amsterdam, without the least confusion, hazard, or trouble,
maintains and every day promotes so general and quick a circulation
of industry?
47. Qu. Whether it be not the greatest help and spur to commerce
that property can be so readily conveyed and so well secured by a
compte en banc, that is, by only writing one man's name for
another's in the bank-book?
48. Qu. Whether, at the beginning of the last century, those who had
lent money to the public during the war with Spain were not
satisfied by the sole expedient of placing their names in a compte
en banc, with liberty to transfer their claims?
49. Qu. Whether the example of those easy transfers in the compte en
banc, thus casually erected, did not tempt other men to become
creditors to the public, in order to profit by the same secure and
expeditious method of keeping and transferring their wealth?
50. Qu. Whether this compte en banc hath not proved better than a
mine of gold to Amsterdam?
51. Qu. Whether that city may not be said to owe her greatness to
the unpromising accident of her having been in debt more than she
was able to Pay?
52. Qu. Whether it be known that any State from such small
beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great wealth and
power as the province of Holland hath done; and whether the bank of
Amsterdam hath not been the real cause of such extraordinary growth?
53. Qu. Whether we are by nature a more stupid people than the
Dutch? And yet whether these things are sufficiently considered by
our patriots?
54. Qu. Whether anything less than the utter subversion of those
Republics can break the banks of Venice and Amsterdam?
55. Qu. Whether at Hamburgh the citizens have not the management of
the bank, without the meddling or inspection of the Senate?
56. Qu. Whether the directors be not four principal burghers chosen
by plurality of voices, whose business is to see the rules observed,
and furnish the cashiers with money?
57. Qu. Whether the book-keepers are not obliged to balance their
accounts every week, and exhibit them to the controllers or
directors?
58. Qu. Whether any besides the citizens are admitted to have compte
en banc at Hamburgh?
59. Qu. Whether there be not a certain limit, under which no sum can
be entered into the bank?
60. Qu. Whether each particular person doth not pay a fee in order
to be admitted to a compte en banc at Hamburgh and Amsterdam?
61. Qu. Whether the effects lodged in the bank of Hamburgh are
liable to be seized for debt or forfeiture?
62. Qu. Whether this bank doth not lend money upon pawns at low
interest and only for half a year, after which term, in default of
payment, the pawns are punctually sold by auction?
63. Qu. Whether the book-keepers of the bank of Hamburgh are not
obliged upon oath never to reveal what sums of money are paid in or
out of the bank, or what effects any particular person has therein?
64. Qu. Whether, therefore, it be possible to know the state or
stock of this bank; and yet whether it be not of the greatest
reputation and most established credit throughout the North?
65. Qu. Whether the success of those public banks in Venice,
Amsterdam and Hamburg would not naturally produce in other States an
inclination to the same methods?
66. Qu. Whether an absolute monarchy be so apt to gain credit, and
whether the vivacity of some humours could so well suit with the
slow steps and discreet management which a bank requires?
67. Qu. Whether the bank called the general bank of France,
contrived by Mr Law, and established by letters patent in May, 1716,
was not in truth a particular and not a national bank, being in the
hands of a particular company privileged and protected by the
Government?
68. Qu. Whether the Government did not order that the notes of this
bank should pass on a par with ready money in all payments of the
revenue?
69. Qu. Whether this bank was not obliged to issue only such notes
as were payable at sight?
70. Qu. Whether it was not made a capital crime to forge the notes
of this bank?
71. Qu. Whether this bank was not restrained from trading either by
sea or land, and from taking up money upon interest?
72. Qu. Whether the original stock thereof was not six millions of
livres, divided into actions of a thousand crowns each?
73. Qu. Whether the proprietors were not to hold general assemblies
twice in the year, for the regulating of their affairs?
74. Qu. Whether the accompts of this bank were not balanced twice
every year?
75. Qu. Whether there were not two chests belonging to this bank,
the one called the general chest containing their specie, their
bills and their copper plates for the printing of those bills, under
the custody of three locks, whereof the keys were kept by the
director, the inspector and treasurer. also another called, the
ordinary chest, containing part of the stock not exceeding two
hundred thousand crowns, under the key of the treasurer?
76. Qu. Whether out of this last mentioned sum, each particular
cashier was not to be intrusted with a share not exceeding the value
of twenty thousand crowns at a time, and that under good security?
77. Qu. Whether the Regent did not reserve to himself the power of
calling this bank to account, so often as he should think good, and
of appointing the inspector?
78. Qu. Whether in the beginning of the year 1719 the French King
did not convert the general bank of France into a Banque Royale,
having himself purchased the stock of the company and taken it into
his own hands, and appointed the Duke of Orleans chief manager
thereof?
79. Qu. Whether from that time, all matters relating to the bank
were not transacted in the name, and by the sole authority, of the
king?
80. Qu. Whether his Majesty did not undertake to receive and keep
the cash of all particular persons, subjects, or foreigners, in his
said Royale Banque, without being paid for that trouble? And whether
it was not declared, that such cash should not be liable to seizure
on any pretext, not even on the king's own account?
81. Qu. Whether the treasurer alone did not sign all the bills,
receive all the stock paid into the bank, and keep account of all
the in-goings and out-goings?
82. Qu. Whether there were not three registers for the enregistering
of the bills kept in the Banque Royale, one by the inspector,
another by the controller, and a third by the treasurer?
83. Qu. Whether there was not also a fourth register, containing the
profits of the bank, which was visited, at least once a week, by the
inspector and controller?
84. Qu. Whether, beside the general bureau or compter in the city of
Paris, there were not also appointed five more in the towns of
Lyons, Tours, Rochelle, Orleans, and Amiens, each whereof was
provided with two chests, one of specie for discharging bills at
sight, and another of bank bills to be issued as there should be
demand?
85. Qu. Whether, in the above mentioned towns, it was not prohibited
to make payments in silver, exceeding the sum of six hundred livres?
86. Qu. Whether all creditors were not empowered to demand payment
in bank bills instead of specie?
87. Qu. Whether, in a short compass of time, this bank did not
undergo many new changes and regulations by several successive acts
of council?
88. Qu. Whether the untimely, repeated, and boundless fabrication of
bills did not precipitate the ruin of this bank?
89. Qu. Whether it be not true, that before the end of July, 1719,
they had fabricated four hundred millions of livres in bank-notes,
to which they added the sum of one hundred and twenty millions more
on the twelfth of September following, also the same sum of one
hundred and twenty millions on the twenty-fourth of 3 October, and
again on the twenty-ninth of December, in the same year, the farther
sum of three hundred and sixty millions, making the whole, from an
original stock of six millions, mount, within the compass of one
year, to a thousand millions of livres?
90. Qu. Whether on the twenty-eighth of February, 1720, the king did
not make an union of the bank with the united company of the East
and West Indies, which from that time had the administration and
profits of the Banque Royale?
91. Qu. Whether the king did not still profess himself responsible
for the value of the bank bills, and whether the company were not
responsible to his Majesty for their management?
92. Qu. Whether sixteen hundred millions of livres, lent to his
majesty by the company, was not a sufficient pledge to indemnify the
king?
93. Qu. Whether the new directors were not prohibited to make any
more bills without an act of council?
94. Qu. Whether the chests and books of the Banque were not
subjected to the joint inspection of a Counsellor of State, and the
Prevot des Marchands, assisted by two Echevins, a judge, and a
consul, who had power to visit when they would and without warning?
95. Qu. Whether in less than two years the actions or shares of the
Indian Company (first established for Mississippi, and afterwards
increased by the addition of other compares and further? and whether
this privileges) did not rise to near 2000 per cent must be ascribed
to real advantages of trade, or to mere frenzy?
96. Qu. Whether, from first to last, there were not fabricated bank
bills, of one kind or other, to the value of more than two thousand
and six hundred millions of livres, or one hundred and thirty
millions sterling?
97. Qu. Whether the credit of the bank did not decline from its
union with the Indian Company?
98. Qu. Whether, notwithstanding all the above-mentioned
extraordinary measures, the bank bills did not still pass at par
with gold and silver to May, 1720, when the French king thought fit,
by a new act of council, to make a reduction of their value, which
proved a fatal blow, the effects whereof, though soon retracted, no
subsequent skill or management could ever repair?
99. Qu. Whether, what no reason, reflexion, or foresight could do,
this simple matter of fact (the most powerful argument with the
multitude) did not do at once, to wit, open the eyes of the people?
100. Qu. Whether the dealers in that sort of ware had ever troubled
their heads with the nature of credit, or the true use and end of
banks, but only considered their bills and actions as things, to
which the general demand gave a price?
101. Qu. Whether the Government was not in great perplexity to
contrive expedients for the getting rid of those bank bills, which
had been lately multiplied with such an unlimited passion?
102. Qu. Whether notes to the value of about ninety millions were
not sunk by being paid off in specie, with the cash of the Compagnie
des Indes, with that of the bank, and that of the Hotels des
Monnoyes? Whether five hundred and thirty millions were not
converted into annuities at the royal treasury? Whether several
hundred millions more in bank bills were not extinguished and
replaced by annuities on the City of Paris, on taxes throughout the
provinces, &c., &c?
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