Books: The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes
D >>
Demosthenes >> The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 | 6 |
7 |
8
Aestuat infelix angusto limite mundi,
Ut Gyarae clausus scopulis parvaque Seripho.
And Virgil, Aen. IX. 644:
Nee te Troja capit.]
And we the Greek community, seeing and hearing this, instead of sending
embassies to one another about it and expressing indignation, are in
such a miserable state, so intrenched in our miserable towns, that to
this day we can attempt nothing that interest or necessity requires; we
can not combine, or form any association for succor and alliance; we
look unconcernedly on the man's growing power, each resolving (methinks)
to enjoy the interval that another is destroyed in, not caring or
striving for the salvation of Greece: for none can be ignorant, that
Philip, like some course or attack of fever or other disease, is coming
even on those that yet seem very far removed. And you must be sensible,
that whatever wrong the Greeks sustained from Lacedaemonians or from us,
was at least inflicted by genuine people of Greece; and it might be felt
in the same manner as if a lawful son, born to a large fortune,
committed some fault or error in the management of it; on that ground
one would consider him open to censure and reproach, yet it could not be
said that he was an alien, and not heir to the property which he so
dealt with. But if a slave or a spurious child wasted and spoiled what
he had no interest in--Heavens! how much more heinous and hateful would
all have pronounced it! And yet in regard to Philip and his conduct they
feel not this, although he is not only no Greek and noway akin to
Greeks, but not even a barbarian of a place honorable to mention; in
fact, a vile fellow of Macedon, from which a respectable slave could not
be purchased formerly.
What is wanting to make his insolence complete? Besides his destruction
of Grecian cities, does he not hold the Pythian games, the common
festival of Greece, and, if he comes not himself, send his vassals to
preside? Is he not master of Thermopylae and the passes into Greece, and
holds he not those places by garrisons and mercenaries? Has he not
thrust aside Thessalians, ourselves, Dorians, the whole Amphictyonic
body, and got preaudience of the oracle, [Footnote: This privilege,
which had belonged to the Phocians, was transferred to Philip. It was
considered an advantage as well as an honor in ancient times; for there
were only certain days appointed in every month, when the oracle could
be consulted, and the order of consultation was determined by lot in
common cases. The Delphians used to confer the right of pre-consultation
on particular states or persons as a reward for some service or act of
piety. Thus the Spartans received it; and Croesus, king of Lydia, for
the magnificent presents which he sent to the temple.] to which even the
Greeks do not all pretend? Does he not write to the Thessalians, what
form of government to adopt? send mercenaries to Porthmus, [Footnote:
Porthmus was the port of Eretria, on the strait, opposite Athens. The
circumstances are stated by Demosthenes at the latter end of the speech.
By expelling the [Greek: _daemos_] of Eretria, he means of course
the popular party, _die Volkspartei_, as Pabst has it; but they
would by their own partisans be called the people.] to expel the
Eretrian commonalty; others to Oreus, to set up Philistides as ruler?
Yet the Greeks endure to see all this; methinks they view it as they
would a hailstorm, each praying that it may not fall on himself, none
trying to prevent it. And not only are the outrages which he docs to
Greece submitted to, but even the private wrongs of every people:
nothing can go beyond this! Has he not wronged the Corinthians by
attacking Ambracia [Footnote: Divers colonies were planted on the
northwestern coast of Greece by the Corinthians, and also by the
Coreyraeans, who were themselves colonists from Corinth. Among them were
Leucas, Ambracia, Anactorium, Epidamnus, and Apollonia. Leucas afterward
became insular, by cutting through the isthmus. Philip's meditated
attack was in 343 B. C. after the conquest of Cassopia. Leucas, by its
insular position, would have been convenient for a descent on
Peloponnesus. We have seen that this design of Philip was baffled by the
exertions of Demosthenes.] and Leucas? the Achaians, by swearing to give
Naupactus [Footnote: Naupactus, now _Lepanto_, lay on the northern
coast of the Corinthian gulf. At the close of the Peloponnesian war it
came into the hands of the Achaians, from whom it was taken by
Epaminondas, but after his death they regained it. The Aetolians got
possession of the town some time after, perhaps by Macedonian
assistance.] to the Aetolians? from the Thebans taken Echinus?
[Footnote: The Echinus here mentioned was a city on the northern coast
of the Maliac gulf in Thessaly.] Is he not marching against the
Byzantines his allies? From us--I omit the rest--but keeps he not
Cardia, the greatest city of the Chersonese? Still under these
indignities we are all slack and disheartened, and look toward our
neighbors, distrusting one another, instead of the common enemy. And how
think ye a man, who behaves so insolently to all, how will he act, when
he gets each separately under his control?
But what has caused the mischief? There must be some cause, some good
reason, why the Greeks were so eager for liberty then, and now are eager
for servitude. There was something, men of Athens, something in the
hearts of the multitude then, which there is not now, which overcame the
wealth of Persia and maintained the freedom of Greece, and quailed not
under any battle by land or sea; the loss whereof has ruined all, and
thrown the affairs of Greece into confusion. What was this? Nothing
subtle or clever: simply that whoever took money from the aspirants for
power or the corruptors of Greece were universally detested: it was
dreadful to be convicted of bribery; the severest punishment was
inflicted on the guilty, and there was no intercession or pardon. The
favorable moments for enterprise, which fortune frequently offers to the
careless against the vigilant, to them that will do nothing against
those that discharge all their duty, could not be bought from orators or
generals; no more could mutual concord, nor distrust of tyrants and
barbarians, nor any thing of the kind. But now all such principles have
been sold as in open market, and those imported in exchange, by which
Greece is ruined and diseased. [Footnote: [Greek: _Apolole_] in
reference to foreign affairs; [Greek: _nenosaeken_] in regard to
internal broils and commotions. Compare Shakspeare, Macbeth IV. 8.
O nation miserable,
When shalt thou see thy wholesome days again?]
What are they? Envy where a man gets a bribe; laughter if he confesses
it; mercy to the convicted; hatred of those that denounce the crime: all
the usual attendants upon corruption. [Footnote: He glances more
particularly at Philocrates, Demades, and Aeschines.] For as to ships
and men and revenues and abundance of other materials, all that may be
reckoned as constituting national strength--assuredly the Greeks of our
day are more fully and perfectly supplied with such advantages than
Greeks of the olden time. But they are all rendered useless,
unavailable, unprofitable, by the agency of these traffickers.
That such is the present state of things, you must see, without
requiring my testimony: that it was different in former times, I will
demonstrate, not by speaking my own words, but by showing an inscription
of your ancestors, which they graved on a brazen column and deposited in
the citadel, not for their own benefit, (they were right-minded enough
without such records,) but for a memorial and example to instruct you,
how seriously such conduct should be taken up. What says the inscription
then? It says: "Let Arthmius, son of Pythonax the Zelite, [Footnote:
Zelea is a town in Mysia. Arthmius was sent by Artaxerxes into
Peloponnesus, to stir up a war against the Athenians, who had irritated
him by the assistance which they lent to Egypt. Aeschines says that
Arthmius was the [Greek: _proxenos_] of Athens, which may partly
account for the decree passed against him.] be declared an outlaw,
[Footnote: Of the various degrees of [Greek: _atimia_] at Athens I
shall speak hereafter. I translate the word here, so as to meet the case
of a foreigner, who had nothing to do with the franchises of the
Athenians, but who by their decree was excommunicated from the benefit
of all international law.] and an enemy of the Athenian people and their
allies, him and his family." Then the cause is written why this was
done: because he brought the Median gold into Peloponnesus. That is the
inscription. By the gods! only consider and reflect among yourselves,
what must have been the spirit, what the dignity of those Athenians who
acted so! One Arthmius a Zelite, subject of the king, (for Zelea is in
Asia,) because in his master's service he brought gold into
Peloponnesus, not to Athens, they proclaimed an enemy of the Athenians
and their allies, him and his family, and outlawed. That is, not the
outlawry commonly spoken of: for what would a Zelite care, to be
excluded from Athenian franchises? It means not that; but in the
statutes of homicide it is written, in cases where a prosecution for
murder is not allowed, but killing is sanctioned, "and let him die an
outlaw," says the legislator: by which he means, that whoever kills such
a person shall be unpolluted. [Footnote: That is, his act being
justifiable homicide, he shall not be deemed (in a religious point of
view) impure. As to the Athenian law of homicide, see my article
_Phonos_ in the Archaeological Dictionary.] Therefore they
considered that the preservation of all Greece was their own concern:
(but for such opinion, they would not have cared, whether people in
Peloponnesus were bought and corrupted:) and whomsoever they discovered
taking bribes, they chastised and punished so severely as to record
their names in brass. The natural result was, that Greece, was
formidable to the Barbarian, not the Barbarian to Greece. 'Tis not so
now: since neither in this nor in other respects are your sentiments the
same. But what are they? You know yourselves: why am I to upbraid you
with every thing? The Greeks in general are alike and no better than
you. Therefore I say, our present affairs demand earnest attention and
wholesome counsel. Shall I say what? Do you bid me, and won't you be
angry?
[_Here is read the public document which Demosthenes produces, after
which he resumes his address_.]
[Footnote: The Secretary of the Assembly stood by the side of the
orator, and read any public documents, such as statutes, decrees, bills
and the like, which the orator desired to refer to or to verify. It does
not appear what the document was, which Demosthenes caused to be read
here. If we may judge from the argument, it was some energetic
resolution of the people, such as he would propose for an example on the
present occasion.]
There is a foolish saying of persons who wish to make us easy, that
Philip is not yet as powerful as the Lacedaemonians were formerly, who
ruled every where by land and sea, and had the king for their ally, and
nothing withstood them; yet Athens resisted even that nation, and was
not destroyed. I myself believe, that, while every thing has received
great improvement, and the present bears no resemblance to the past,
nothing has been so changed and improved as the practice of war. For
anciently, as I am informed, the Lacedaemonians and all Grecian people
would for four or five months, during the season [Footnote: The
campaigning season, during the summer and fine time of the year. The
Peloponnesians generally invaded Attica when the corn was ripe, burning
and plundering all in their route. Thucydides in his history divides the
year into two parts, summer and winter.] only, invade and ravage the
land of their enemies with heavy-armed and national troops, and return
home again: and their ideas were so old-fashioned, or rather national,
they never purchased [Footnote: Compare the old lines of Ennius:
Non cauponantes bellum sed belligerantes
Ferro, non auro, vitam cernamus utrique.]
an advantage from any; theirs was a legitimate and open warfare. But now
you doubtless perceive, that the majority of disasters have been
effected by treason; nothing is done in fair field or combat. You hear
of Philip marching where he pleases, not because he commands troops of
the line, but because he has attached to him a host of skirmishers,
cavalry, archers, mercenaries, and the like. When with these he falls
upon a people in civil dissension, and none (for mistrust) will march
out to defend the country, he applies engines and besieges them. I need
not mention, that he makes no difference between winter and summer, that
he has no stated season of repose. You, knowing these things, reflecting
on them, must not let the war approach your territories, nor get your
necks broken, relying on the simplicity of the old war with the
Lacedaemonians, but take the longest time beforehand for defensive
measures and preparations, see that he stirs not from home, avoid any
decisive engagement. For a war, if we choose, men of Athens, to pursue a
right course, we have many natural advantages; such as the position of
his kingdom, which we may extensively plunder and ravage, and a thousand
more; but for a battle he is better trained than we are. [Footnote:
Chaeronea proved the wisdom of this advice. Similar counsel was given by
Pericles in the Peloponnesian war. Had the Athenians attempted to meet
the invading army in the field, they must inevitably have been defeated
in the early period of the war.]
Nor is it enough to adopt these resolutions and oppose him by warlike
measures: you must on calculation and on principle abhor his advocates
here, remembering that it is impossible to overcome your enemies abroad,
until you have chastised those who are his ministers within the city.
Which, by Jupiter and all the gods, you can not and will not do! You
have arrived at such a pitch of folly or madness or--I know not what to
call it: I am tempted often to think, that some evil genius is driving
you to ruin--for the sake of scandal or envy or jest or any other cause,
you command hirelings to speak, (some of whom would not deny themselves
to be hirelings,) and laugh when they abuse people. And this, bad as it
is, is not the worst: you have allowed these persons more liberty for
their political conduct than your faithful counselors: and see what
evils are caused by listening to such men with indulgence. I will
mention facts that you will all remember.
In Olynthus some of the statesmen were in Philip's interest, doing every
thing for him; some were on the honest side, aiming to preserve their
fellow-citizens from slavery. Which party now destroyed their country?
or which betrayed the cavalry, [Footnote: After Olynthus was besieged by
Philip, various sallies were made from the city, some of which were
successful. But the treachery of Lasthenes and his accomplices ruined
all. A body of five hundred horse were led by him into an ambuscade, and
captured by the besiegers. See Appendix I.] by whose betrayal Olynthus
fell? The creatures of Philip; they that, while the city stood,
slandered and calumniated the honest counselors so effectually, that the
Olynthian people were induced to banish Apollonides.
Nor is it there only, and nowhere else, that such practice has been
ruinous. In Eretria, when, after riddance of Plutarch [Footnote: When he
was expelled by Phocion after the battle of Tamynae, B. C. 354.] and his
mercenaries, the people got possession of their city and of Porthmus,
some were for bringing the government over to you, others to Philip. His
partisans were generally, rather exclusively, attended to by the
wretched and unfortunate Eretrians, who at length were persuaded to
expel their faithful advisers. Philip, their ally and friend, sent
Hipponicus and a thousand mercenaries, demolished the walls of Porthmus,
and established three rulers, Hipparchus, Automedon, Clitarchus. Since
that he has driven them out of the country, twice attempting their
deliverance: once he sent the troops with Eurylochus, afterward those of
Parmenio.
What need of many words? In Oreus Philip's agents were Philistides,
Menippus, Socrates, Thoas, and Agapaeus, who now hold the government:
that was quite notorious: one Euphraeus, a man that formerly dwelt here
among you, was laboring for freedom and independence. How this man was
in other respects insulted and trampled on by the people of Oreus, were
long to tell: but a year before the capture, discovering what
Philistides and his accomplices were about, he laid an information
against them for treason. A multitude then combining, having Philip for
their paymaster, and acting under his direction, take Euphraeus off to
prison as a disturber of the public peace. Seeing which, the people of
Oreus, instead of assisting the one and beating the others to death,
with them were not angry, but said his punishment was just, and rejoiced
at it. So the conspirators, having full liberty of action, laid their
schemes and took their measures for the surrender of the city; if any of
the people observed it, they were silent and intimidated, remembering
the treatment of Euphraeus; and so wretched was their condition, that on
the approach of such a calamity none dared to utter a word, until the
enemy drew up before the walls: then some were for defense, others for
betrayal. Since the city was thus basely and wickedly taken, the
traitors have held despotic rule; people who formerly rescued them, and
were ready for any maltreatment of Euphraeus, they have either banished
or put to death; Euphraeus killed himself, proving by deed, that he had
resisted Philip honestly and purely for the good of his countrymen.
What can be the reason--perhaps you wonder--why the Olynthians and
Eretrians and Orites were more indulgent to Philip's advocates than to
their own? The same which operates with you. They who advise for the
best can not always gratify their audience, though they would; for the
safety of the state must be attended to: their opponents by the very
counsel which is agreeable advance Philip's interest. One party required
contribution; the other said there was no necessity: one were for war
and mistrust; the other for peace, until they were ensnared. And so on
for every thing else; (not to dwell on particulars;) the one made
speeches to please for the moment, and gave no annoyance; the other
offered salutary counsel, that was offensive. Many rights did the people
surrender at last, not from any such motive of indulgence or ignorance,
but submitting in the belief that all was lost, Which, by Jupiter and
Apollo, I fear will be your case, when on calculation you see that
nothing can be done. I pray, men of Athens, it may never come to this!
Better die a thousand deaths than render homage to Philip, or sacrifice
any of your faithful counselors. A fine recompense have the people of
Oreus got, for trusting themselves to Philip's friends and spurning
Euphraeus! Finely are the Eretrian commons rewarded, for having driven
away your embassadors and yielded to Clitarchus! Yes; they are slaves,
exposed to the lash and the torture. Finally he spared the Olynthians,
who appointed Lasthenes to command their horse, and expelled
Apollonides! It is folly and cowardice to cherish such hopes, and, while
you take evil counsel and shirk every duty, and even listen to those who
plead for your enemies, to think you inhabit a city of such magnitude,
that you can not suffer any serious misfortune. Yea, and it is
disgraceful to exclaim on any occurrence, when it is too late, "Who
would have expected it? However--this or that should have been done, the
other left undone." Many things could the Olynthians mention now, which,
if foreseen at the time would have prevented their destruction. Many
could the Orites mention, many the Phocians, and each of the ruined
states. But what would it avail them? As long as the vessel is safe,
whether it be great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every man in turn
should exert himself, and prevent its being overturned either by
accident or design: but when the sea hath rolled over it, their efforts
are vain. And we, likewise, O Athenians, while we are safe, with a
magnificent city, plentiful resources, lofty reputation--what [Footnote:
Smead remarks here on the adroitness of the orator, who, instead of
applying the simile of the ship to the administration of the state,
which he felt that his quick-minded hearers had already done, suddenly
interrupts himself with a question, which would naturally occur to the
audience.] must we do? Many of you, [Footnote: _You_, [Greek: _oi
kathaemenoi_]. See my observations in the preface. I can not forbear
noticing the manner in which Francis translates the following [Greek:
_nae Di ero_]. "Let Jupiter be witness, with what integrity I shall
declare my opinion." The original means nothing of the kind. It is rare
that [Greek: _nae Dia_] can be translated literally with effect.
Jacobs here has _wohlan_.] I dare say, have been longing to ask.
Well then, I will tell you; I will move a resolution: pass it, if you
please.
First, let us prepare for our own defense; provide ourselves, I mean,
with ships, money, and troops--for surely, though all other people
consented to be slaves, we at least ought to struggle for freedom. When
we have completed our own preparations and made them apparent to the
Greeks, then let us invite the rest, and send our embassadors every
where with the intelligence, to Peloponnesus, to Rhodes, to Chios, to
the king, I say; (for it concerns his interests, not to let Philip make
universal conquest;) that, if you prevail, you may have partners of your
dangers and expenses, in case of necessity, or at all events that you
may delay the operations. For, since the war is against an individual,
[Footnote: Because a state is a permanent power; a single man is liable
to a variety of accidents, and his power terminates with his life.] not
against the collected power of a state, even this may be useful; as were
the embassies last year to Peloponnesus, and the remonstrances with
which I and Polyeuctus, that excellent man, and Hegesippus, and
Clitomachus, and Lycurgus, and the other envoys went round, and arrested
Philip's progress, so that he neither attacked Ambracia nor started for
Peloponnesus. I say not, however, that you should invite the rest
without adopting measures to protect yourselves: it would be folly,
while you sacrifice your own interest, to profess a regard for that of
strangers, or to alarm others about the future, while for the present
you are unconcerned. I advise not this: I bid you send supplies to the
troops in Chersonesus, and do what else they require; prepare yourselves
and make every effort first, then summon, gather, instruct the rest of
the Greeks. That is the duty of a state possessing a dignity such as
yours. If you imagine that Chalcidians or Megarians will save Greece,
while you run away from the contest, you imagine wrong. Well for any of
those people, if they are safe themselves. This work belongs to you:
this privilege your ancestors bequeathed to you, the prize of many
perilous exertions. But if every one will sit seeking his pleasure, and
studying to be idle himself, never will he find others to do his work,
and more than this, I fear we shall be under the necessity of doing all
that we like not at one time. Were proxies to be had, our inactivity
would have found them long ago; but they are not.
Such are the measures which I advise, which I propose: adopt them, and
even yet, I believe, our prosperity may be re-established. If any man
has better advice to offer, let him communicate it openly. Whatever you
determine, I pray to all the gods for a happy result.
THE FOURTH PHILIPPIC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The subject of this Oration is the same as the last, viz.,
the necessity of resistance to Philip. The time of its
delivery would appear to have been a little later, while
Philip was yet in Thrace, and before he commenced the siege
of the Propontine towns. No new event is alluded to, except
the seizure of Hermias by the satrap Mentor, the exact date
of which is uncertain. The orator urges here, still more
strongly than he had done in the third Philippic, the
necessity of applying to Persia for assistance. His advice
was followed, and a negotiation was opened with that
monarchy, which led to the effective relief of Perinthus.
There is a remarkable passage in this speech, on the
importance of general unanimity, which seems to imply that
disputes had arisen between the richer and poorer classes,
chiefly in regard to the application of the public revenue.
The view which is here taken on the subject of the Theoric
distributions is so different from the argument in the
Olynthiacs, that modern critics have generally considered
this Oration to be spurious. Another ground for such opinion
is, that it contains various passages borrowed from other
speeches, and not very skillfully put together. Yet the
genuineness seems not to have been doubted by any of the
ancient grammarians.
Pages:
1 |
2 |
3 |
4 |
5 | 6 |
7 |
8