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Demosthenes >> The Olynthiacs and the Phillippics of Demosthenes
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8 Produced by D. Garcia, David Starner, Charles Franks,
and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.
THE
OLYNTHIACS
AND THE
PHILIPPICS
OF
DEMOSTHENES
_Literally Translated, with Notes_
BY
CHARLES RANN KENNEDY
THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
* * * * *
THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic
gulf, and north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonized
by a people from Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large
district called Chalcidice, in which there were thirty-two
cities. Over all this tract the sway of Olynthus was
considerable, and she had waged wars anciently with Athens
and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors on
the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the
Olynthians had disputes with him, which were at first
accommodated, and he gratified them by the cession of
Anthemus. They then joined him in a war against Athens, and
he gave up to them Potidaea, which had yielded to their
united arms. After the lapse of some years, during which
Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired
considerable influence in Thessaly and Thrace, the Olynthians
became alarmed, and began to think him too dangerous a
neighbor. The immediate cause of rupture was an attack which
he made on one of the Chalcidian towns. An embassy was
instantly sent to Athens, to negotiate an alliance. Philip,
considering this as an infraction of their treaty with him,
declared war against them, and invaded their territory. A
second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assistance.
The question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades,
an orator of considerable ability, but profligate character,
opposed the alliance. Many speakers were heard; and at
length Demosthenes rose to support the prayer of the embassy,
delivering one of those clear and forcible speeches, which
seldom failed to make a strong impression on his audience.
The alliance was accepted, and succors voted.
The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus,
which had made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund
should be applied to military service. This fund was in fact
the surplus revenue of the civil administration, which by the
ancient law was appropriated to the defense of the
commonwealth; but it had by various means been diverted from
that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people, to
enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and
amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. (See my
article _Theorica_ in the Archaeological Dictionary.)
Demosthenes, seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that
this absurd law ought to be abolished, but does not openly
propose it.
There has been much difference of opinion among the learned
as to the order of the three Olynthiac orations; nor is it
certain, whether they were spoken on the occasion of one
embassy, or several embassies. The curious may consult Bishop
Thirlwall's Appendix to the fifth volume of his Grecian
History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation. I have
followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker, whose edition
of Demosthenes is the text of this translation; and indeed my
opinion is, on the whole, in favor of preserving the common
order, though the plan of this work prevents my entering into
controversy on the question. To enable the reader more fully
to understand the following orations, I have in an Appendix
to this volume given a brief account of Olynthus, showing its
position with reference to Macedonia, and the importance of its
acquisition to Philip. The historical abstract prefixed to this
volume is intended chiefly to assist the reader in reference to
dates. Such occurrences only are noticed as may be useful to
illustrate Demosthenes.
I believe, men of Athens, you would give much to know, what is the true
policy to be adopted in the present matter of inquiry. This being the
case, you should be willing to hear with attention these who offer you
their counsel. Besides that you will have the benefit of all
preconsidered advice, I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many
fit suggestions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from
them all you may easily choose what is profitable.
The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud, that you must
yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you care for their success. I
know not how we seem disposed in the matter. [Footnote: This is a
cautious way of hinting at the general reluctance to adopt a vigorous
policy. And the reader will observe the use of the first person, whereby
the orator includes himself in the same insinuation.] My own opinion is,
vote succor immediately, and make the speediest preparations for sending
it off from Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before;
send also embassadors, to announce this, and watch the proceedings. For
the danger is, that this man, being unscrupulous and clever at turning
events to account, making concessions when it suits him, threatening at
other times, (his threats may well be believed,) slandering us and
urging our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use some of
our main resources. Though, strange to say, Athenians, the very cause of
Philip's strength is a circumstance favorable to you. [Footnote: After
alarming the people by showing the strength of their adversary, he turns
off skillfully to a topic of encouragement.] His having it in his sole
power to publish or conceal his designs, his being at the same time
general, sovereign, paymaster, and every where accompanying his army, is
a great advantage for quick and timely operations in war; but, for a
peace with the Olynthians, which he would gladly make, it has a contrary
effect. For it is plain to the Olynthians, that now they are fighting,
not for glory or a slice of territory, but to save their country from
destruction and servitude. They know how he treated those Amphipolitans
who surrendered to him their city, and those Pydneans who gave him
admittance. [Footnote: Amphipolis was a city at the head of the
Strymonic gulf, in that part of Macedonia which approaches western
Thrace. It had been built formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken
by the Spartan general Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war. Ever since
Athens regained her character of an imperial state, she had desired to
recover Amphipolis, which was important for its maritime position, its
exportation of iron, and especially from the vicinity of the forests
near the Strymon, which afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber.
But she had never been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who at
that time possessed no maritime town of importance, was for obvious
reasons anxious to win Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession of
it partly by force of arms, partly by the treachery of certain
Amphipolitans who were attached to his interest. It seems the Athenians
had been amused by a promise of Philip to give up the town to them. The
non-performance of this compact led to their first long war with him.
Immediately after the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched against
Pydna, and was admitted into the town.] And generally, I believe, a
despotic power is mistrusted by free states, especially if their
dominions are adjoining. All this being known to you, Athenians, all
else of importance considered, I say, you must take heart and spirit,
and apply yourselves more than ever to the war, contributing promptly,
serving personally, leaving nothing undone. No plea or pretense is left
you for declining your duty. What you were all so clamorous about, that
the Olynthians should be pressed into a war with Philip, has of itself
come to pass, [Footnote: Compare Virgil, Aen. ix. 6.
Turne, quod optanti Divum promittere nemo
Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro.]
and in a way most advantageous to you. For, had they undertaken the war
at your instance, they might have been slippery allies, with minds but
half resolved perhaps: but since they hate him on a quarrel of their
own, their enmity is like to endure on account of their fears and their
wrongs. You must not then, Athenians, forego this lucky opportunity, nor
commit the error which you have often done heretofore. For example, when
we returned from succoring the Euboeans, and Hierax and Stratocles of
Amphipolis came to this platform, [Footnote: The hustings from which the
speakers addressed the people. It was cut to the height of ten feet out
of the rock which formed the boundary wall of the assembly; and was
ascended by a flight of steps.] urging us to sail and receive possession
of their city, if we had shown the same zeal for ourselves as for the
safety of Euboea, you would have held Amphipolis then and been rid of
all the troubles that ensued. Again, when news came that Pydna,
[Footnote: Potidaea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and
was therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the
argument. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching
Thessaly. Pagasae is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district. It was
the sea-port of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against whom
Philip was invited to assist the Thessalians. Philip overcame Lycophron,
and restored republican government at Pherae; but Pagasae he garrisoned
himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same district.]
Potidaea, Methone, Pagasae, and the other places (not to waste time in
enumerating them) were besieged, had we to any one of these in the first
instance carried prompt and reasonable succor, we should have found
Philip far more tractable and humble now. But, by always neglecting the
present, and imagining the future would shift for itself, we, O men of
Athens, have exalted Philip, and made him greater than any king of
Macedon ever was. Here then is come a crisis, this of Olynthus,
self-offered to the state, inferior to none of the former. And methinks,
men of Athens, any man fairly estimating what the gods have done for us,
notwithstanding many untoward circumstances, might with reason be
grateful to them. Our numerous losses in war may justly be charged to
our own negligence; but that they happened not long ago, and that an
alliance, to counterbalance them, is open to our acceptance, I must
regard as manifestations of divine favor. It is much the same as in
money matters. If a man keep what he gets, he is thankful to fortune; if
he lose it by imprudence, he loses withal his memory of the obligation.
So in political affairs, they who misuse their opportunities forget even
the good which the gods send them; for every prior event is judged
commonly by the last result. Wherefore, Athenians, we must be
exceedingly careful of our future measures, that by amendment therein we
may efface the shame of the past. Should we abandon these men [Footnote:
Here he points to the Olynthian embassadors.] too, and Philip reduce
Olynthus, let any one tell me, what is to prevent him marching where he
pleases? Does any one of you, Athenians, compute or consider the means,
by which Philip, originally weak, has become great? Having first taken
Amphipolis, then Pydna, Potidaea next, Methone afterward, he invaded
Thessaly. Having ordered matters at Pherae, Pagasae, Magnesia, every
where exactly as he pleased, he departed for Thrace; where, after
displacing some kings and establishing others, he fell sick; again
recovering, he lapsed not into indolence, but instantly attacked the
Olynthians. I omit his expeditions to Illyria and Paeonia, that against
Arymbas, [Footnote: Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and
uncle of Olympias, Philip's wife.] and some others.
Why, it may be said, do you mention all this now? That you, Athenians,
may feel and understand both the folly of continually abandoning one
thing after another, and the activity which forms part of Philip's habit
and existence, which makes it impossible for him to rest content with
his achievements. If it be his principle, ever to do more than he has
done, and yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to nothing, see what the
end promises to be. Heavens! which of you is so simple as not to know,
that the war yonder will soon be here, if we are careless? And should
this happen, I fear, O Athenians, that as men who thoughtlessly borrow
on large interest, after a brief accommodation, lose their estate, so
will it be with us; found to have paid dear for our idleness and
self-indulgence, we shall be reduced to many hard and unpleasant shifts,
and struggle for the salvation of our country.
To censure, I may be told, is easy for any man; to show what measures
the case requires, is the part of a counselor. I am not ignorant,
Athenians, that frequently, when any disappointment happens, you are
angry, not with the parties in fault, but with the last speakers on the
subject; yet never, with a view to self-protection, would I suppress
what I deem for your interest. I say then, you must give a two-fold
assistance here; first, save the Olynthians their towns, [Footnote: The
Chalcidian towns. See the Argument. Philip commenced his aggressions
upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these.] and send out troops
for that purpose; secondly, annoy the enemy's country with ships and
other troops; omit either of these courses, and I doubt the expedition
will be fruitless. For should he, suffering your incursion, reduce
Olynthus, he will easily march to the defense of his kingdom; or, should
you only throw succor into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out of danger
at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he must in time prevail
over the besieged. Your assistance therefore must be effective, and
two-fold.
Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money: you have
money, Athenians; you have a larger military fund than any people; and
you receive it just as you please. If ye will assign this to your
troops, ye need no further supply; otherwise ye need a further, or
rather ye have none at all. How then? some man may exclaim: do you move
that this be a military fund? Verily, not I. [Footnote: There is some
studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the necessity under which
the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law and a little quiet
satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of eating their pudding
and having it too. The logic of the argument runs thus--My opinion is,
that we ought to have a military fund, and that no man should receive
public money, without performing public service. However, as you prefer
taking the public money to pay for your places at the festivals, I will
not break the law by moving to apply that money to another purpose. Only
you gain nothing by it; for, as the troops must be paid, there must be
an extraordinary contribution, or property tax, to meet the exigency of
the case.] My opinion indeed is, that there should be soldiers raised,
and a military fund, and one and the same regulation for receiving and
performing what is due; only you just without trouble take your
allowance for the festivals. It remains then, I imagine, that all must
contribute, if much be wanted, much, if little, little. Money must be
had; without it nothing proper can be done. Other persons propose other
ways and means. Choose which ye think expedient; and put hands to the
work, while it is yet time.
It may be well to consider and calculate how Philip's affairs now stand.
They are not, as they appear, or as an inattentive observer might
pronounce, in very good trim, or in the most favorable position. He
would never have commenced this war, had he imagined he must fight. He
expected to carry every thing on the first advance, and has been
mistaken. This disappointment is one thing that troubles and dispirits
him; another is, the state of Thessaly. [Footnote: Philip's influence in
Thessaly was of material assistance to him in his ambitious projects. It
was acquired in this way. The power established by Jason of Pherae, who
raised himself to a sort of royal authority under the title of Tagus,
had devolved upon Lycophron. His sway extended more or less over the
whole of Thessaly; but was, if not generally unpopular, at least
unacceptable to the great families in the northern towns, among whom the
Aleuadae of Larissa held a prominent place. They invoked Philip's aid,
while Lycophron was assisted by the Phocian Onomarchus. After various
success, Onomarchus was defeated and slain, and Lycophron expelled from
Pherae. This established Philip's influence, and led to his being
afterward called in to terminate the Sacred war. How far the assertions
of Demosthenes, respecting the discontent of the Thessalians, are true,
can not exactly be told. They are confirmed, however, in some degree by
the fact, that at the close of the Sacred war Philip restored to them
Magnesia. A new attempt by the regnant family caused Philip again to be
invited, and Thessaly became virtually a province of Macedonia. Among
other advantages therefrom was the aid of a numerous cavalry, for which
Thessaly was famous.] That people were always, you know, treacherous to
all men; and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They have
resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasae, and have prevented his
fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they would no longer allow him to
take the revenue of their harbors and markets, which they say should be
applied to the public business of Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now,
if he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened for
paying his mercenaries. And surely we must suppose, that Paeonians and
Illyrians, and all such people, would rather be free and independent
than under subjection; for they are unused to obedience, and the man is
a tyrant. So report says, and I can well believe it; for undeserved
success leads weak-minded men into folly; and thus it appears often,
that to maintain prosperity is harder than to acquire it. Therefore must
you, Athenians, looking on his difficulty as your opportunity, assist
cheerfully in the war, sending embassies where required, taking arms
yourselves, exciting all other people; for if Philip got such an
opportunity against us, and there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly
think ye he would attack you! Then are you not ashamed, that the very
damage which you would suffer, if he had the power, you dare not seize
the moment to inflict on him?
And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now the choice,
whether you shall fight there, or he in your country. If Olynthus hold
out, you will fight there and distress his dominions, enjoying your own
home in peace. If Philip take that city, who shall then prevent his
marching here? Thebans? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they will be
ready to join in the invasion. Phocians? who can not defend their own
country without your assistance. Or some other ally? But, good sir, he
will not desire! Strange indeed, if, what he is thought fool-hardy for
prating now, this he would not accomplish if he might. As to the vast
difference between a war here or there, I fancy there needs no argument.
If you were obliged to be out yourselves for thirty days only, and take
the necessaries for camp-service from the land, (I mean, without an
enemy therein,) your agricultural population would sustain, I believe,
greater damage than what the whole expense of the late war [Footnote:
The Amphipolitan war, said to have cost fifteen hundred talents.]
amounted to. But if a war should come, what damage must be expected?
There is the insult too, and the disgrace of the thing, worse than any
damage to right-thinking men.
On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our succor, and drive
off the war yonder; the rich, that, spending a little for the abundance
which they happily possess, they may enjoy the residue in security; the
young, [Footnote: Strictly, _those of the military age_, which was
from eighteen years to sixty. Youths between eighteen and twenty were
liable only to serve in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison
the walls. Afterward they were compellable to perform any military
service, under the penalty of losing their privileges as citizens. The
expression in the text, it will be seen, is not rendered with full
accuracy; as those of the military age can only be called _young_
by comparison. But a short and apt antithesis was needed. Sometimes I
have "the service-able" or "the able-bodied." Jacobs: _die
waffenfahigen Junglinge_, and elsewhere, _die Rustige_.] that,
gaining military experience in Philip's territory, they may become
redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the orators, that they may
pass a good account [Footnote: Every man, who is required to justify the
acts for which he is responsible, may be said to be "called to account."
But Demosthenes spoke with peculiar reference to those accounts, which
men in official situations at Athens were required to render at the
close of their administration.] of their statesmanship; for on the
result of measures will depend your judgment of their conduct. May it
for every cause be prosperous.
THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.
THE ARGUMENT.
The Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and
resolved to send succors. But the sending of them was delayed,
partly by the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly
from the reluctance of the people themselves to engage in a
war with Philip. Demosthenes stimulates them to exertion, and
encourages them, by showing that Philip's power is not so
great as it appears.
On many occasions, men of Athens, one may see the kindness of the gods
to this country manifested, but most signally, I think, on the present.
That here are men prepared for a war with Philip, possessed of a
neighboring territory and some power, and (what is most important) so
fixed in their hostility, as to regard any accommodation with him as
insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really appears like an
extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It must then be our care,
Athenians, that we are not more unkind to ourselves than circumstances
have been; as it would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have
abandoned not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also
the allies and advantages provided by fortune.
To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such discourse to incite
you to your duty, I think improper: and why? Because all that may be
said on that score involves matter of glory for him, and misconduct on
our part. The more he has transcended his repute, [Footnote: Jacobs
otherwise: uber sein Verdienst gelungen.] the more is he universally
admired; you, as you have used your advantages unworthily, have incurred
the greater disgrace. This topic, then, I shall pass over. Indeed,
Athenians, a correct observer will find the source of his greatness
here, [Footnote: In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators,
or through the supineness of the people. In the first Philippic there is
a more pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are
charged with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home.
Such men as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are
referred to. Aeschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip.] and
not in himself. But of measures, for which Philip's partisans deserve
his gratitude and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak now. Other
things are open to me, which it concerns you all to know, and which
must, on a due examination, Athenians, reflect great disgrace on Philip.
To these will I address myself.
To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing what he has done,
might justly be termed idle abuse. But to go through all his actions and
convict him in detail, will take, as it happens, but a short time, and
is expedient, I think, for two reasons: first, that his baseness may
appear in its true light; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines
Philip to be invincible, may see he has run through all the artifices by
which he rose to greatness, and his career is just come to an end. I
myself, men of Athens, should most assuredly have regarded Philip as an
object of fear and admiration, had I seen him exalted by honorable
conduct; but observing and considering I find, that in the beginning,
when certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired a conference
with us, he gained over our simplicity by engaging to surrender
Amphipolis, and to execute the secret article [Footnote: A secret
intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians, by which he
engaged to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the understanding that
they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes only mentions the former
part of the arrangement, the latter not being honorable to his
countrymen.] once so famous; afterward he got the friendship of the
Olynthians, by taking Potidaea from you, wronging you his former allies,
and delivering it to them; and lastly now the Thessalians, by promising
to surrender Magnesia, and undertake the Phocian war on their behalf. In
short, none who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen by
conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in turn who knew
him not. As, therefore, by such means he rose, when every people
imagined he would advance their interest, so ought he by the same means
to be pulled down again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is
exposed. To this crisis, O Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let
any man stand forward and prove to me, or rather to you, that my
assertions, are false, or that men whom Philip has once overreached will
trust him hereafter, or that the Thessalians who have been degraded into
servitude would not gladly become free.
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