Books: The Mayflower and Her Log, v2
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Azel Ames >> The Mayflower and Her Log, v2
To accept, as beyond serious doubt, Mr. Goffe's ownership of the MAY-
FLOWER, when she made her memorable voyage to New Plimoth, one need only
to compare, and to interpret logically, the significant facts;--that he
was a ship-owner of London and one of the body of Merchant Adventurers
who set her forth on her Pilgrim voyage in 1620; and that he stood, as
her evident owner, in similar relation to the Puritan company which
chartered her for New England, similarly carrying colonists, self-exiled
for religion's sake, in 1629 and again in 1630. This conviction is
greatly strengthened by the fact that Mr. Goffe continued one of the
Pilgrim Merchant Adventurers, until their interests were transferred to
the colonists by the "Composition" of 1626, and three years later (1629)
sent by the MAY-FLOWER, on her second New England voyage, although under
a Puritan charter, another company from the Leyden congregation. The
(cipher) letter of the "Governor and deputies of the New-England Company
for a plantation in Massachusetts Bay" to Captain John Endicott, written
at Gravesend, England, the 17th of April, 1629, says: "If you want any
Swyne wee have agreed with those of Ne[w] Plimouth that they deliver you
six Sowes with pigg for which they a[re] to bee allowed 9 lb. in accompt
of what they the Plymouth people owe unto Mr. Goffe [our] deputie
[Governor]." It appears from the foregoing that the Pilgrims at New
Plymouth were in debt to Mr. Goffe in 1629, presumably for advances and
passage money on account of the contingent of the Leyden congregation,
brought over with Higginson's company to Salem, on the second trip of the
MAY-FLOWER. Mr. Goffe's intimate connection with the Pilgrims was
certainly unbroken from the organization of their Merchant Adventurers in
1619/20, through the entire period of ten years, to 1630. There is every
reason to believe, and none to doubt, that his ownership of the MAY-
FLOWER of imperishable renown remained equally unbroken throughout these
years, and that his signature as her owner was appended to her Pilgrim
charter-party in 1620. Whoever the signatories of her charter-party may
have been, there can be no doubt that the good ship MAY-FLOWER, in charge
of her competent, if treacherous, Master, Captain Thomas Jones, and her
first "pilot," John Clarke, lay in the Thames near London through the
latter part of June and the early part of July, in the summer of 1620,
undergoing a thorough overhauling, under contract as a colonist-
transport, for a voyage to the far-off shores of "the northern parts of
Virginia."
In whatever of old English verbiage, with quaint terms and cumbersome
repetition, the stipulations of this contract of were concealed, there
can be no doubt that they purported and designed to "ingage" that "the
Good ship MAY-FLOWER of Yarmouth, of 9 score tuns burthen, whereof for
the present viage Thomas Joanes is Master," should make the "viage" as a
colonist-transport, "from the city of London in His Majesty's Kingdom of
Great Britain," etc., "to the neighborhood of the mouth of Hudson's
River, in the northern parts of Virginia and return, calling at the Port
of Southampton, outward bound, to complete her lading, the same of all
kinds, to convey to, and well and safely deliver at, such port or place,
at or about the mouth of Hudson's River, so-called, in Virginia
aforesaid, as those in authority of her passengers shall direct," etc.,
with provision as to her return lading, through her supercargo, etc.
It is probable that the exact stipulations of the contract will never
transpire, and we can only roughly guess at them, by somewhat difficult
comparison with the terms on which the LADY ARBELLA, the "Admiral," or
flagship, of Winthrop's fleet, was chartered in 1630, for substantially
the like voyage (of course, without expectation or probability, of so
long a stay on the New England coast), though the latter was much the
larger ship. The contract probably named an "upset" or total sum for the
"round voyage," as was the of the case with the LADY ARBELLA, though it
is to be hoped there was no "demurrage" clause, exacting damage, as is
usual, for each day of detention beyond the "lay days" allowed, for the
long and unexpected tarries in Cape Cod and Plymouth harbors must have
rolled up an appalling "demurrage" claim. Winthrop enters among his
memoranda, "The agreement for the ARBELLA L750, whereof is to be paid in
hand [i e. cash down] the rest upon certificate of our safe arrival."
The sum was doubtless considerably in excess of that paid for the MAY-
FLOWER, both because she was a much larger, heavier-armed, and better-
manned ship, of finer accommodations, and because ships were, in 1630, in
far greater demand for the New England trade than in 1620, Winthrop's own
fleet including no less than ten. The adjustments of freight and passage
moneys between the Adventurers and colonists are matter of much doubt and
perplexity, and are not likely to be fully ascertained. The only light
thrown upon them is by the tariffs for such service on Winthrop's fleet,
and for passage, etc., on different ships, at a little later day. It is
altogether probable that transportation of all those accepted as
colonists, by the agents of the Adventurers and "Planters," was without
direct charge to any individual, but was debited against the whole. But
as some had better quarters than others, some much more and heavier
furniture, etc., while some had bulky and heavy goods for their personal
benefit (such as William Mullen's cases of "boots and shoes," etc.), it
is fair to assume that some schedule of rates for "tonnage," if not for
individuals, became necessary, to prevent complaints and to facilitate
accounts. Winthrop credits Mr. Goffe--owner of two of the ships in 1630
--as follows:--
"For ninety-six passengers at L4, L384.
For thirty-two tons of goods at L3 (per ton).
For passage for a man, his wife and servant, (3 persons)
L16/10, L5/10 each."
Goodwin shows the cost of transportation at different times and under
varying conditions. "The expense of securing and shipping Thos. Morton
of 'Merry Mount' to England, was L12 7 0," but just what proportion the
passage money bore to the rest of the account, cannot now be told. The
expense of Mr. Rogers, the young insane clergyman brought over by Isaac
Allerton, without authority, was, for the voyage out: "For passage L1 0
0. For diet for eleven weeks at 4s. 8d. per week, total L3 11 4" [A
rather longer passage than usual.] Constant Southworth came in the same
ship and paid the same, L3 11 4, which may hence be assumed as the
average charge, at that date, for a first-class passage. This does not
vary greatly from the tariff of to-day, (1900) as, reduced to United
States currency, it would be about $18; and allowing the value of
sterling to be about four times this, in purchase ratio, it would mean
about $73. The expenses of the thirty-five of the Leyden congregation
who came over in the MAY-FLOWER in 1620, and of the others brought in the
LION in 1630, were slightly higher than these figures, but the cost of
the trip from Leyden to England was included, with that of some clothing.
In 1650, Judge Sewall, who as a wealthy man would be likely to indulge in
some luxury, gives his outlay one way, as, "Fare, L2 3 0; cabin expenses,
L4 11 4; total, L6 14 4."
CHAPTER IV
THE MAY-FLOWER--THE SHIP HERSELF
Unhappily the early chroniclers familiar with the MAY-FLOWER have left us
neither representation nor general description of her, and but few data
from which we may reconstruct her outlines and details for ourselves.
Tradition chiefly determines her place in one of the few classes into
which the merchant craft of her day were divided, her tonnage and service
being almost the only other authentic indices to this class.
Bradford helps us to little more than the statement, that a vessel, which
could have been no other, "was hired at London, being of burden about 9
score" [tons], while the same extraordinary silence, which we have
noticed as to her name, exists as to her description, with Smith,
Bradford, Winslow, Morton, and the other contemporaneous or early writers
of Pilgrim history. Her hundred and eighty tons register indicates in
general her size, and to some extent her probable model and rig.
Long search for a reliable, coetaneous picture of one of the larger ships
of the merchant service of England, in the Pilgrim period, has been
rewarded by the discovery of the excel lent "cut" of such a craft, taken
from M. Blundeville's "New and Necessarie Treatise of Navigation,"
published early in the seventeenth century. Appearing in a work of so
high character, published by so competent a navigator and critic, and
(approximately) in the very time of the Pilgrim "exodus," there can be no
doubt that it quite correctly, if roughly and insufficiently, depicts the
outlines, rig, and general cast of a vessel of the MAY-FLOWER type and
time, as she appeared to those of that day, familiar therewith.
It gives us a ship corresponding, in the chief essentials, to that which
careful study of the detail and minutiae of the meagre MAY-FLOWER history
and its collaterals had already permitted the author and others to
construct mentally, and one which confirms in general the conceptions
wrought out by the best artists and students who have attempted to
portray the historic ship herself.
Captain J. W. Collins, whose experience and labors in this relation are
further alluded to, and whose opinion is entitled to respect, writes the
author in this connection, as follows "The cut from Blundeville's
treatise, which was published more or less contemporaneously with the
MAYFLOWER, is, in my judgment, misleading, since it doubtless represents
a ship of an earlier date, and is evidently [sic] reproduced from a
representation on tapestry, of which examples are still to be seen (with
similar ships) in England. The actual builder's plans, reproduced by
Admiral Paris, from drawings still preserved, of ships of the MAYFLOWER'S
time, seem to me to offer more correct and conclusive data for accurately
determining what the famous ship of the Pilgrim Fathers was like."
Decidedly one of the larger and better vessels of the merchant class of
her day, she presumably followed the prevalent lines of that class, no
doubt correctly represented, in the main, by the few coeval pictures of
such craft which have come down to us. No one can state with absolute
authority, her exact rig, model, or dimensions; but there can be no
question that all these are very closely determined from even the meagre
data and the prints we possess, so nearly did the ships of each class
correspond in their respective features in those days. There is a
notable similarity in certain points of the MAY-FLOWER, as she has been
represented by these different artists, which is evidence upon two
points: first, that all delineators have been obliged to study the type
of vessel to which she belonged from such representations of it as each
could find, as neither picture nor description of the vessel herself was
to be had; and second, that as the result of such independent study
nearly all are substantially agreed as to what the salient features of
her type and class were. A model of a ship [3 masts] of the MAY-FLOWER
type, and called in the Society's catalogue "A Model of the MAY FLOWER,
after De Bry," but itself labelled "Model of one of Sir Walter Raleigh's
Ships," is (mistakenly) exhibited by the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth.
It is by no means to be taken as a correct representation of the Pilgrim
bark. Few of the putative pictures of the MAY-FLOWER herself are at all
satisfactory,--apart from the environment or relation in which she is
usually depicted,--whether considered from an historical, a nautical,
or an artistic point of view. The only one of these found by the author
which has commanded (general, if qualified) approval is that entitled
"The MAY-FLOWER at Sea," a reproduction of which, by permission, is the
frontispiece of this volume. It is from an engraving by the master hand
of W. J. Linton, from a drawing by Granville Perkins, and appeared in the
"New England Magazine" for April, 1898, as it has elsewhere. Its
comparative fidelity to fact, and its spirited treatment, alike commend
it to those familiar with the subject, as par excellence the modern
artistic picture of the MAY-FLOWER, although somewhat fanciful, and its
rig, as Captain Collies observes, "is that of a ship a century later than
the MAY-FLOWER; a square topsail on the mizzen," he notes, "being unknown
in the early part of the seventeenth century, and a jib on a ship equally
rare." Halsall's picture of "The Arrival of the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth
Harbor," owned by the Pilgrim Society, of Plymouth, and hung in the
Society's Hall, while presenting several historical inaccuracies,
undoubtedly more correctly portrays the ship herself, in model, rig,
etc., than do most of the well-known paintings which represent her.
It is much to be regretted that the artist, in woeful ignorance, or
disregard, of the recorded fact that the ship was not troubled with
either ice or snow on her entrance (at her successful second attempt) to
Plymouth harbor, should have covered and environed her with both.
Answering, as the MAY-FLOWER doubtless did, to her type, she was
certainly of rather "blocky," though not unshapely, build, with high poop
and forecastle, broad of beam, short in the waist, low "between decks,"
and modelled far more upon the lines of the great nautical prototype, the
water-fowl, than the requirements of speed have permitted in the carrying
trade of more recent years. That she was of the "square rig" of her
time--when apparently no use was made of the "fore-and-aft" sails which
have so wholly banished the former from all vessels of her size--goes
without saying. She was too large for the lateen rig, so prevalent in
the Mediterranean, except upon her mizzenmast, where it was no doubt
employed.
The chief differences which appear in the several "counterfeit
presentments" of the historic ship are in the number of her masts and
the height of her poop and her forecastle. A few make her a brig or
"snow" of the oldest pattern, while others depict her as a full-rigged
ship, sometimes having the auxiliary rig of a small "jigger" or "dandy-
mast," with square or lateen sail, on peak of stern, or on the bow sprit,
or both, though usually her mizzenmast is set well aft upon the poop.
There is no reason for thinking that the former of these auxiliaries
existed upon the MAY-FLOWER, though quite possible. Her 180 tons
measurement indicates, by the general rule of the nautical construction
of that period, a length of from 90 to 100 feet, "from taffrail to
knighthead," with about 24 feet beam, and with such a hull as this, three
masts would be far more likely than two. The fact that she is always
called a "ship"--to which name, as indicating a class, three masts
technically attach--is also somewhat significant, though the term is
often generically used. Mrs. Jane G. Austin calls the MAY-FLOWER a
"brig," but there does not appear anywhere any warrant for so doing.
At the Smithsonian Institution (National Museum) at Washington, D. C.,
there is exhibited a model of the MAY-FLOWER, constructed from the ratio
of measurements given in connection with the sketch and working plans of
a British ship of the merchant MAY-FLOWER class of the seventeenth
century, as laid down by Admiral Francois Edmond Paris, of France, in his
"Souvenirs de Marine." The hull and rigging of this model were carefully
worked out by, and under the supervision of Captain Joseph W. Collins
(long in the service of the Smithsonian Institution, in nautical and
kindred matters, and now a member of the Massachusetts Commission of
Inland Fisheries and Game), but were calculated on the erroneous basis of
a ship of 120 instead of 180 tons measurement. This model, which is upon
a scale of 1/2 inch to 1 foot, bears a label designating it as "The
'MAYFLOWER' of the Puritans" [sic], and giving the following description
(written by Captain Collins) of such a vessel as the Pilgrim ship, if of
120 tons burthen, as figured from such data as that given by Admiral
Paris, must, approximately, have been. (See photographs of the model
presented herewith.) "A wooden, carvel-built, keel vessel, with full
bluff bow, strongly raking below water line; raking curved stem; large
open head; long round (nearly log-shaped) bottom; tumble in top side;
short run; very large and high square stern; quarter galleries; high
forecastle, square on forward end, with open rails on each side; open
bulwarks to main [spar] and quarter-decks; a succession of three quarter-
decks or poops, the after one being nearly 9 feet above main [spar] deck;
two boats stowed on deck; ship-rigged, with pole masts [i. e. masts in
one piece]; without jibs; square sprit sail (or water sail under
bowsprit); two square sails on fore and main masts, and lateen sail on
mizzenmast."
Dimensions of Vessel. Length, over all, knightheads to taffrail, 82
feet; beam, 22 feet; depth, 14 feet; tonnage, 120; bowsprit, outboard, 40
feet 6 inches; spritsail yard, 34 feet 6 inches; foremast, main deck to
top, 39 feet; total length, main [spar] deck to truck, 67 feet 6 inches;
fore-yard, 47 feet 6 inches; foretopsail yard, 34 feet 1 2 inches;
mainmast, deck to top, 46 feet; total, deck to truck, 81 feet; main yard,
53 feet; maintopsail yard, 38 feet 6 inches; mizzen mast, deck to top, 34
feet; total, deck to truck, 60 feet 6 inches; spanker yard, 54 feet 6
inches; boats, one on port side of deck, 17 feet long by 5 feet 2 inches
wide; one on starboard side, 13 feet 6 inches long by 4 feet 9 inches
wide. The above description "worked out" by Captain Collins, and in
conformity to which his putative model of the "MAY FLOWER" was
constructed, rests, of course, for its correctness, primarily, upon the
assumptions (which there is no reason to question) that the "plates" of
Admiral Paris, his sketches, working plans, dimensions, etc., are
reliable, and that Captain Collins's mathematics are correct, in reducing
and applying the Admiral's data to a ship of 120 tons. That there would
be some considerable variance from the description given, in applying
these data to a ship of 60 tons greater measurement (i.e. of 180 tons),
goes without saying, though the changes would appear more largely in the
hull dimensions than in the rigging. That the description given, and its
expression in the model depicted, present, with considerable fidelity, a
ship of the MAY-FLOWER'S class arid type, in her day,--though of sixty
tons less register, and amenable to changes otherwise,--is altogether
probable, and taken together, they afford a fairly accurate idea of the
general appearance of such a craft.
In addition to mention of the enlargements which the increased tonnage
certainly entails, the following features of the description seem to call
for remark.
It is doubtful whether the vessels of this class had "open bulwarks to
the main [spar] deck," or "a succession of three quarter-decks or poops."
Many models and prints of ships of that period and class show but two.
It is probable that if the jib was absent, as Captain Collins believes
(though it was evidently in use upon some of the pinnaces and shallops of
the time, and its utility therefore appreciated), there was a small
squaresail on a "dandy" mast on the bowsprit, and very possibly the
"sprit" or "water-sail" he describes. The length of the vessel as given
by Captain Collins, as well as her beam, being based on a measurement of
but 120 tons, are both doubtless less than they should be, the depth
probably also varying slightly, though there would very likely be but few
and slight departures otherwise from his proximate figures. The long-
boat would be more likely to be lashed across the hatch amidships than
stowed on the port side of the deck, unless in use for stowage purposes,
as previously suggested. Captain Collins very interestingly notes in a
letter to the author, concerning the measurements indicated by his model:
"Here we meet with a difficulty, even if it is not insurmountable. This
is found in the discrepancy which exists between the dimensions--length,
breadth, and depth--requisite to produce a certain tonnage, as given by
Admiral Paris and the British Admiralty. Whether this is due to a
difference in estimating tonnage between France (or other countries) and
Great Britain, I am unable to say, but it is a somewhat remarkable fact
that the National Museum model, which was made for a vessel of 120 tons,
as given by Admiral Paris who was a Frenchman, has almost exactly the
proportions of length, depth, and breadth that an English ship of 180
tons would have, if we can accept as correct the lists of measurements
from the Admiralty records published by Charnock . . . . In the third
volume of Charnock's 'History of Marine Architecture,' p. 274., I find
that a supply transport of 175 tons, built in 1759, and evidently a
merchant ship originally, or at least a vessel of that class, was 79.4
feet long (tonnage measure), 22.6 feet beam, and 11.61 feet deep." The
correspondence is noticeable and of much interest, but as the writer
comments, all depends upon whether or not "the measurement of the middle
of the eighteenth century materially differed in Great Britain from what
it was in the early part of the previous century."
Like all vessels having high stems and sterns, she was unquestionably "a
wet ship,"--upon this voyage especially so, as Bradford shows, from being
overloaded, and hence lower than usual in the water. Captain John Smith
says: "But being pestered [vexed] nine weeks in this leaking,
unwholesome ship, lying wet in their cabins; most of them grew very weak
and weary of the sea." Bradford says, quoting the master of the MAY-
FLOWER and others: "As for the decks and upper works they would caulk
them as well as they could, . . . though with the working of the ship,
they would not long keep staunch." She was probably not an old craft, as
her captain and others declared they "knew her to be strong and firm
under water;" and the weakness of her upper works was doubtless due to
the strain of her overload, in the heavy weather of the autumnal gales.
Bradford says: "They met with many contrary winds and fierce storms with
which their ship was shrewdly shaken and her upper works made very
leaky." That the confidence of her master in her soundness below the
water-line was well placed, is additionally proven by her excellent
voyages to America, already noted, in 1629, and 1630, when she was ten
years older.
That she was somewhat "blocky" above water was doubtless true of her, as
of most of her class; but that she was not unshapely below the water-line
is quite certain, for the re markable return passage she made to England
(in ballast) shows that her lower lines must have been good. She made
the run from Plymouth to London on her return voyage in just thirty-one
days, a passage that even with the "clipper ships" of later days would
have been respectable, and for a vessel of her model and rig was
exceptionally good. She was "light" (in ballast), as we know from the
correspondence of Weston and Bradford, the letter of the former to
Governor Carver--who died before it was received--upbraiding him for
sending her home "empty." The terrible sickness and mortality of the
whole company, afloat and ashore, had, of course, made it impossible to
freight her as intended with "clapboards" [stave-stock], sassafras roots,
peltry, etc. No vessels of her class of that day were without the high
poop and its cabin possibilities,--admirably adapting them to passenger
service,--and the larger had the high and roomy topgallant forecastles so
necessary for their larger crews. The breadth of beam was always
considerably greater in that day than earlier, or until much later,
necessitated by the proportionately greater height ("topsides"), above
water, at stem and stern. The encroachments of her high poop and
forecastle left but short waist-room; her waist-ribs limited the height
of her "between decks;" while the "perked up" lines of her bow and stern
produced the resemblance noted, to the croup and neck of the wild duck.
That she was low "between decks" is demonstrated by the fact that it was
necessary to "cut down" the Pilgrims' shallop--an open sloop, of
certainly not over 30 feet in length, some 10 tons burden, and not very
high "freeboard"--"to stow" her under the MAY-FLOWER'S spar deck. That
she was "square-rigged" follows, as noted, from the fact that it was the
only rig in use for ships of her class and size, and that she had
"topsails" is shown by the fact that the "top-saile halliards" were
pitched over board with John Howland, and saved his life. Bradford says:
"A lustie yonge man (called John Howland) coming upon some occasion above
ye grattings, was with a seele of ye shipe throwne into ye sea: but it
pleased God yt he caught hould of ye top-saile halliards which hunge over
board & rane out at length yet he held his hould . . . till he was
haled up," etc. Howland had evidently just come from below upon the poop-
deck (as there would be no "grattings" open in the waist to receive the
heavy seas shipped). The ship was clearly experiencing "heavy weather"
and a great lurch ("seele") which at the stern, and on the high,
swinging, tilting poop-deck would be most severely felt, undoubtedly
tossed him over the rail. The topsail halliards were probably trailing
alongside and saved him, as they have others under like circumstances.