Books: An Historical Account Of The Rise And Progress Of The Colonies Of South Carolina And Georgia, Volume 1

A >> Alexander Hewatt >> An Historical Account Of The Rise And Progress Of The Colonies Of South Carolina And Georgia, Volume 1

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Governor Johnson, after this public and solemn declaration, perceiving
his power totally overthrown, and the current too violent and strong for
him to withstand, had little hopes of recalling them to the obedience of
proprietary authority. Still, however, he flattered himself, that such
men as had usurped the government in opposition to lawful authority would
not long remain in a state of union, harmony and peace among themselves.
The first unpopular step of their Governor might create disturbance and
disaffection; the first difference among the leading men might divide
them into parties: he determined to wait for such occurrences, and to
improve them towards recovering his power and command. In the mean time
he called together the civil officers of the Proprietors, and ordered
them to secure the public records, and shut up all offices against the
revolutioners and their adherents.

[Sidenote] The Governor transmits an account of the whole proceedings
to the Proprietors.

That the proprietors in England might have notice of what had happened
though a proper channel, Governor Johnson drew up a slate of the whole
proceedings, and transmitted it them. He told them that the colonists had
long laboured under difficulties and hardships, by debts contracted in
the Indian war, and in protecting their trade against pirates; that an
unhappy difference had broke out between their Lordships and the people,
about the privileges of their charter; that some of the richest of the
inhabitants had persuaded the rest, that neither they themselves nor
their posterity could ever be safe in their persons, or secure in their
properties, without the protection of the crown: that they had therefore
with one accord disclaimed and renounced all obedience to their
Lordships, and put themselves under the care and government of the King;
that he, though earnestly solicited by them, had refused to govern them
in any other way, than as commissioned and appointed by the Lords
proprietors; that the people for that reason had shaken off his authority
and chosen another Governor for themselves in name and behalf of the
Kind: In short, that the revolution was in no way occasioned by his
imprudence or mal-administration, and therefore he hoped, whatever might
be the issue, that their Lordships would use their interest to continue
him in the government of the province. To the same purpose he wrote to
the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, who were no friends to
the proprietary governments in America, and waited for such a favourable
season as now offered in Carolina to purchase every one of them for the
crown.

[Sidenote] The Revolutioners appoint new officers, and establish
their authority.

In the mean time the members of the popular legislature were going on,
and with all their diligence and skill regulating public affairs. The
representatives of the people took a dislike to the name of a Convention,
as different from that of the other regal governments in America, and
therefore voted themselves an Assembly, and assumed the power of
appointing all public officers. In place of Nicholas Trott, they made
Richard Allein Chief Justice. Another person was appointed Provincial
Secretary, in the room of Charles Hart. But William Rhett and Francis
Yonge, by becoming obsequious to the humours of the revolutioners,
secured to themselves the same offices they held from the Proprietors.
Colonel Barnwell was chosen agent for the province, and embarked for
England, with instructions and orders to apply only to the King, to lay a
slate of their public proceedings before him, praying him to take the
province under his immediate care and protection. A new duty-law and
others for raising money to defray the various expences of government
were passed. The fortifications at Charlestown they ordered to be
immediately repaired, and William Rhett, whom every one esteemed a friend
to the revolution, was nominated Inspector-general of the Repairs. To
their new Governor they voted two thousand five hundred pounds, and to
their Chief Justice eight hundred current money, as yearly salaries. To
their agent in England one thousand pounds sterling was transmitted: and
to defray those and the other expences of government, a law was passed
for laying a tax on lands and negroes, to raise thirty thousand pounds
Carolina-money, for the service of the current year. In short, this
popular assembly imposed such burdens on their constituents, as under the
proprietary government would have been deemed intolerable grievances.

In consequence of the tax-act, when they began to levy those heavy tales,
Governor Johnson and some of his party refused to pay, giving for reason
that the act was not made by lawful authority. On account of his
particular circumstances, Mr. Johnson was exempted; but they resolved to
compel every other person to submit to their jurisdiction, and yield
implicit obedience to their laws. They forcibly seized the effects or
negroes of such as refused, sold them at public auction, and applyed the
money for the payment of their taxes. Thus, in spite of all opposition,
they established themselves in the full possession of government, both in
their legislative and executive capacities.

[Sidenote] In vain the Governor attempts to disconcert them.
[Sidenote] Rhett refuses obedience to his orders.

Governor Johnson, though obliged to stand at a distance, carefully
observed their progress, and was not a little mortified by their great
success. He however still persisted in throwing every obstacle possible
in their way: he wrote to William Rhett, who was not only the Proprietors
Receiver-general, but also Comptroller of the customs, a letter to the
following effect; informing him, That "as the people had found means to
hinder all masters of ships from coming to him as the Governor
clearances, and from clearing in the lawful secretary's offices,
notwithstanding the laws of trade made such neglects the forfeiture of
ship and cargo, and the naval officer, by his orders, did all he could to
induce them to act according to law: and as he was sensible that the
defection was so general, and his authority so depressed, that he had no
power left to punish them for disobedience; he therefore could think of
no other way to oblige them to their duty but by stopping their obtaining
clearances from the custom-house officers, until they paid their duty to
him as the lawful governor of the province. He therefore desired Mr.
Rhett would consult his powers and instructions as Surveyor and
Comptroller of the customs, and act in this affair as he should think
agreeable to them, to the laws of trade, and to the service of his
majesty, and of the Lords Proprietors." Indeed it must be acknowledged,
had Rhett so far consulted the interest of the Proprietors, as to have
commanded the officers of the customs to do their duty, according to the
Governor's project, it would have given the revolutioners no small
trouble. They would have had the mortification to see the masters of
ships disowning their authority, and going only to that office where they
could obtain authentic and legal clearances. The fees due to the Governor
and Secretary would also have gone in their usual channel, which
otherwise were transferred to such persons as had no just right, nor even
the smallest pretensions to them. But Rhett's enmity to the Governor, and
his prospects of profit from the prevailing party, induced him to neglect
the duties of his station. He had already joined, or at least seemed to
join, the revolutioners, being determined to retain at all events his
places of profit and emolument. The countenance and encouragement he had
given the people, they considered as a justification of their measures;
and though they had passed a vote, that no person who held an office
under the Proprietors should be permitted to continue in it, yet, as they
found Rhett so obsequious to their views, they thought proper to dispense
with it for an acquisition of such importance. They not only allowed him
to continue in his former offices, but also made him Lieutenant-General
of the militia, and Overseer to the works in repairing the
fortifications. So that, instead of giving assistance to Governor Johnson
for supporting the interest and power of the proprietary government, he
shamefully deserted him, betrayed his trust, and joined the
revolutioners.

[Sidenote] And preserves the confidence of the Proprietors.

Rhett, nevertheless, to the astonishment of every one, still maintained
his credit with the Proprietors, and had the art to persuade them he had
done done all out of zeal for the service of his majesty, and for the
good of the province. He wrote them two letters, giving them an account
of all that had happened, and assuring them he had accepted of a
commission from Mr. Moore, in order the more effectually to promote their
interest, by giving him an opportunity of conversing freely with the
people, and persuading them to return to their duty and allegiance. He
represented the inflexibility of Governor Johnson as one source of the
discontent and defection of the people, and utterly inconsistent with
good policy. He told them, that there are times when the minds of men
will not bend to authority, when the rigid exertion of power defeats its
end, and when lenity becomes a more efficacious remedy against
disaffection to government than severity. The Proprietors believed him,
and such was their confidence in his honour and fidelity, that they sent
him a letter expressing their approbation of his conduct, in the
following words: "We have received your letters, wherein you give us a
melancholy account of the present confused government of our province,
and of the great consternation of the inhabitants, from the dreadful
apprehension they have of a foreign invasion. But since they have been so
unfortunate as to bring themselves into so much confusion, we are not a
little pleased that your zeal for the service of his majesty, and the
safety of the province, has engaged you to take upon you the command of
the forces; for as, by your command of the said forces, you formerly
defended and saved the country from the insults of an invading enemy, so
we doubt not but you will again use your utmost skill to free your same
fellow-subjects from the imminent danger they at present labour under.
And since you have taken upon you the same command, we earnestly intreat
you, that, with the greatest application, you will continue your
endeavours in that command for the safety and preservation of the
province, until you shall hear farther from us: We wish you all
imaginable success, and bid you heartily farewell."

[Sidenote] Further attempts of the Governor to recal the people.

In the mean time Governor Johnson received certain advice, that the
Spaniards had sailed from the Havanna with a fleet of fourteen ships, and
a force consisting of twelve hundred men, against South Carolina and
Providence Island, and it was uncertain which of the two they would first
attack. At this time of imminent danger the Governor again attempted to
recal the people to subjection and obedience, and sent the following
letter to the Convention. "I flatter myself that the invasion which at
present threatens the province, has awakened a thought in you of the
necessity there is of the forces acting under lawful authority and
commission. The inconveniences and confusion of not admitting it are so
obvious, I need not mention them. I have hitherto borne the indignities
put upon me, and the loss I sustain by being out of my government, with
as much temper as the nature of the thing will admit of, till such time
as his majesty's pleasure shall be known. But to have another man to
assume my authority when danger threatens the province and action is
expected, and to be deprived of the opportunity of serving the public in
my station, as I am indispensibly bound to do upon such occasions, I
being answerable to the King for any neglect regarding the welfare of the
province, is what I cannot patiently endure. I am willing with my council
to consult and advise with you for the good and safety of the country in
this time of imminent danger, as a Convention of the people, as you first
called yourselves; nor do I see, in this present juncture of affairs, any
occasion for formality in our proceedings, or that I explain by whose
authority I act in grants of commissions or other public orders. Mr.
Moore's commission you have given him does not pretend to say that it is
derived from the King. You have already confessed I am invested with some
authority of which you approve, and that is enough. What I insist upon
is, to be allowed to act as Governor, because I have been approved of by
the King. I do not apprehend there is any necessity of doing any thing at
present but what relates to military affairs; and I do believe people
will be better satisfied, more ready to advance necessaries, to trust the
public, and obey my commands, by virtue of the King's authority which I
have, if left to their liberty, than the orders of any other person in
the province; and in a short time we may expect his majesty's pleasure
will be known. If my reasons have not the weight with you I expect they
should, you ought at least to put it to the vote, that, if a majority
should be against it, I may have that to justify myself to the King and
the world, who ought to be satisfied that I have done all I can for
serving the country, and discharging the duty of my station."

By this letter Governor Johnson thought to alarm and terrify the people,
by representing the dangerous consequences of military operations under
unlawful authority; but they remained firm to their purpose, and the
Convention, without taking any notice of it, continued to do business
with Mr. Moore as they had begun. Sir Hovenden Walker, the President of
their Council, being disgusted at their proceedings, left them and
retired to his plantation; but they chose Richard Allein in his stead,
and proceeded to concert measures for the public defence. They pronounced
the martial law, and ordered all the inhabitants of the province to
Charlestown for its defence. All the officers of the militia accepted
their commissions from Mr. Moore, and engaged to stand by him against all
foreign enemies. For two weeks the Provincial militia were kept under
arms at Charlestown every day expecting the appearance of the Spanish
fleet; which they were informed had sailed from the Havanna. Happily for
them, to acquire possession of both sides of the Gulf of Florida, and
secure the navigation through this stream, the Spaniards had resolved
first to attack Providence, and then to proceed against Carolina: but by
the conduct and courage of Captain Rogers, at that time Governor of the
island, they met with a sharp repulse at Providence, and soon after they
lost the greatest part of their fleet in a storm.

[Sidenote] The Governor's last attempt to recover his authority.

The Spanish expedition having thus proved abortive, the Flamborough man
of war, commanded by Captain Hildesley, returned to her station at
Charlestown from Providence island. About the same time his Majesty's
ship Phoenix, commanded by Captain Pierce, arrived from a cruize. The
commanders of these two men of war were carressed by both parties, but
they publicly declared for Governor Johnson as the magistrate invested
with legal authority. Charles Hart, secretary of the province, by orders
from the Governor and Council, had secreted and secured the public
records, so that the revolutioners could not obtain possession of them.
The clergy refused to marry without a licence from Governor Johnson, as
the only legal Ordinary of the province. These inconveniencies having
begun to operate, rendered several of the people more cool in their
affection for the popular government. At this juncture Governor Johnson,
with the assistance of the captain and crews of the ships of war, made
his last and boldest effort for subjecting the colonists to his
authority. He brought up the ships of war in front of Charlestown, and
threatened their capital with immediate destruction, if they any longer
refused obedience to legal authority. But the people having both arms in
their hands for defence, and forts in their possession to which they
could retreat, bid defiance to his power, and shewed him plainly that
they were neither to be won by flattery, nor terrified by threats, to
submit their necks any more to the proprietary yoke; and therefore for
the future Governor Johnson dropt all thoughts of making any more
attempts for that purpose.

[Sidenote] Injurious suspicions with regard to the conduct of the
Governor.

Nicholas Trott now observing the frame of the proprietary government
totally unhinged, and a rival Judge planted in his room, resolved to
return to England. But before he embarked he wrote to Governor Johnson,
acquainting him with his resolution, and promising, if he would
contribute towards defraying his expences, he would give the Proprietors
each a favourable account of his conduct and services, as would ensure to
him the continuance of his office. But the Governor being no stranger to
the character of the Judge, and being convinced that both the revolt of
the people, and subversion of government, were in a great measure to be
ascribed his pernicious policy and secret correspondence with his friend
the secretary to the Proprietors, disdainfully rejected his interest and
friendship. To which disrespect for the Judge, however, Mr. Johnson
attributed many of the injurious suspicions the Proprietors entertained
of his honour and fidelity, and that shameful neglect with which he was
afterwards treated by them. They had wrote him no answer to his letters
respecting the violent steps the people had taken, or ever informed him
whether his conduct during those popular commotions had met with their
approbation or disapprobation. Some of them even alledged that he was
privy to the designs of the malecontents; and gave them too much
countenance and indulgence. But every principle of honour, duty and
interest forbade such a connivance, and the upright and respectable
character he maintained, rendered such suspicions groundless and
unmerited. That he should join with a disaffected multitude in schemes of
opposition, to divest himself of his government, was a thing scarcely to
be supposed. That he should first wink at the subversion of the
proprietary government, and afterwards refuse to govern them for the
King, when solicited so to do by the representatives and whole body of
the people, was a thing very improbable. When he arrived in the province,
he found the inhabitants discontented and unhappy; but little suspected
then they had any views of renouncing their allegiance to the
Proprietors; and the various arts the people used to conceal from him
their designs, were proofs they had every thing to fear, and nothing to
hope for from their Governor. The many attempts made to defeat their
measures were also evidences of his fidelity to their Lordships, and
firmness in support of their government. He indeed differed with Trott
and Rhett, the two favourites of the Proprietors, and perhaps to this,
among other causes, the neglect with which he was treated by their
Lordships may be ascribed. For as they discovered on all occasions such a
partial regard to these men, and placed such unlimited confidence in
them, the person who differed from them, however fair and unblemished his
character, however firmly attached to their interest, was not likely, in
such circumstances of trouble and difficulty, to escape all injurious
suspicions. We have blamed the Proprietors in many respects with regard
to the management of their colony, and we cannot think them worthy of
praise in withdrawing their countenance and friendship from a Governor,
who manifested such zeal and resolution in support of their authority.
Being equally subject to the laws of their country with the Carolineans
over whom they ruled, their power was likely to be feeble, even when
exercised in the most prudent and gentle manner; but more especially when
executed with rigour. British subjects in general abhor oppression, even
from a supreme, and it could scarcely be expected they would tamely
submit to it, from a subordinate jurisdiction.

[Sidenote] Francis Nicolson appointed Governor by the regency.

In the mean time the agent for Carolina had procured a hearing from the
Lords of the regency and council in England, the King being at that time
in Hanover; who gave it as their opinion, that the Proprietors had
forfeited their charter, and ordered the Attorney-general to take out a
_scire facias_ against it. In consequence of which, in September 1720,
they appointed General Francis Nicolson provisional Governor of the
province, with a commission from the King. Nicolson was a man possessed
of all the honourable principles of a good soldier. He was generous,
bold, and steady. He had been Governor of several different colonies, and
it was thought his knowledge and experience in provincial affairs would
render him well qualified for the important trust. He knew his duty as
commander and chief, and was afraid of neither dangers nor difficulties
in the execution of it; a warm friend to the King, and deeply concerned
for the prosperity of his country: scarcely could they have pitched upon
a man more fit to govern the province in such a confused and miserable
state.

[Sidenote] General reflections on the whole transactions.

Upon a review of those past transactions, and the various causes which
concurred for bringing about this event, which I have narrated the more
fully and circumstantially on account of the interesting nature and
important consequences of the change, we may observe, that although the
conduct of the Carolineans during this violent struggle cannot, strictly
speaking, be deemed legal, equitable and just, yet necessity, which has
no law, and self-preservation, the most powerful principle of action,
both strongly plead in their vindication. When the Proprietors first
applied to the King for a grant of this large territory, at that time
occupied by heathens, it is said they were excited thereto by their zeal
for the propagation of the Christian faith; yet it is now plain that they
have either used no endeavours for that purpose, or they have been
utterly ineffectual. The Society for the propagation of the Gospel have
indeed employed and supported missionaries for the conversion of those
heathens; yet it is a lamentable truth, that their best endeavours have
been vastly inadequate to the extent of the work, and therefore their
success has proved small and inconsiderable. The Proprietors by their
charter were empowered to build churches and chapels within the bounds of
their province for divine worship; yet they have left the burden of this
work entirely to the inhabitants, who have received no encouragement nor
assistance, except from the incorporated Society, towards its
accomplishment. They were impowered by their charter to erect castles and
forts for the protection and defence of the colony; but all those the
people have also been obliged to raise at their own expence. By the
charter his Majesty saved to himself, his heirs and successors, the
sovereign dominion of the province, and the faith and allegiance of his
subjects, the inhabitants of it, declaring them to be the liege people of
the crown of England, yet the Proprietors have assumed to themselves a
despotic authority in repealing and abrogating, by themselves alone, laws
made by the Assembly, and ratified by their deputies in Carolina. They
not only tyrannized over the poor colony, but also employed and protected
officers ten times more tyrannical than themselves. When the whole
legislature complained of Chief Justice Trott, they paid no regard to
their complaints, and absolutely refused to circumscribe his
jurisdiction, or remove him from the bench. In times of imminent danger,
when the colony applied to them for assistance, they were either unable
or unwilling to bear the expence of its protection. When the Assembly
allotted the Indian lands obtained by conquest for the encouragement of
settlers, to strengthen the Provincial frontiers, the Proprietors claimed
the sole right of disposing of those lands, and frustrated their plans of
public security. When the trade of the province was infested and ruined
by pirates, they could neither obtain a force sufficient to extirpate
them, nor a confirmation of their laws made for defraying the expense of
such expeditions as the colony fitted out against them. The current money
of the province, stamped for answering its public exigences, was, at the
request of the merchants of London, cried down and cancelled. In short
the people saw no end of troubles and dangers. Sad exigence dictated the
necessity of some remedy against their political evils. No remedy under
heaven appeared to them so proper and effectual as that of throwing
themselves under the immediate care and protection of the crown of Great
Britain. For under the excellent constitution of England, where the
supreme power was both able and willing to protect them against every
enemy, they evidently perceived they could only live happy and secure;
therefore, sick of the feeble proprietary government, the people, after
many violent struggles and convulsions, by one bold and irregular effort
entirely shook off the yoke, and a revolution, fruitful of happy
consequences, took place, to their great relief and unspeakable
satisfaction.

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